AIPAC News

AIPAC Policy Conference

Mon, 29 Apr 2013 15:24:18 -0400

The annual AIPAC Policy Conference is the largest gathering of the pro-Israel movement. Thousands of participants come from all 50 states to take part in “three of the most important days affecting Israel’s future.” The 2014 conference will be held March 2-4, 2014, in Washington, D.C. Thousands have already registered, don’t miss out on this truly remarkable experience to be in our nation’s capital with thousands of fellow pro-Israel supporters.

How We Work

Tue, 02 Apr 2013 17:49:59 -0400

More than 100,000 citizens from across the country work with AIPAC staff to strengthen the bonds between the United States and the Jewish state. AIPAC members in all 50 states are encouraged to be politically active and develop relationships with their members of Congress to help educate them about the importance of U.S.-Israel ties.

While building support in Washington is essential, AIPAC is found wherever the future of the U.S.-Israel relationship could be affected. AIPAC has a network of 10 regional offices and seven satellite offices that help pro-Israel activists from Missoula to Miami learn how they can affect Israel's future and security by promoting strong ties with the United States.

Pro-Israel advocacy and strengthening the U.S.-Israel relationship is a cause that concerns a broad spectrum of Americans. AIPAC professionals work with Synagogues and Churches to promote pro-Israel advocacy throughout their congregations. African American and Hispanic leaders work with AIPAC staff and their members of Congress to ensure that America supports our ally in the Middle East.

AIPAC also works on hundreds of college and high school campuses, empowering and educating student activists to answer Israel's detractors and how to use political involvement to build support for Israel.

AIPAC President Michael Kassen

Fri, 15 Mar 2013 09:34:48 -0400

AS DELIVERED

It's great to follow my high school classmate Marcia Fudge. Go Red Raiders!

Good morning. Welcome to Washington. Welcome to the AIPAC Policy Conference. Thank you for being here, for making AIPAC a priority and for joining together for three of the most important days effecting Israel's future.

I want to thank AIPAC's board of directors for their hard work and devotion, and give special recognition to a wonderful friend and superb leader, our chairman of the board Lee Rosenberg.

I'm pleased to share with you that the AIPAC board has named an extremely talented leader to follow me as president next year. Warmth, humor, sound judgment, and a great passion for our work make this man one of our most articulate and effective advocates for a strong U.S.-Israel alliance. Please join me in congratulating AIPAC president-elect Bob Cohen of New York.

Ladies and gentlemen, as you heard earlier from our panel of experts, we gather at a moment of incredible change. We meet at a time of growing danger. Each of us has different reasons for caring about Israel, but all of us are here because we know Israel is threatened. The neighborhood in which Israel lives is in turmoil. While in the past Israel has faced challenges and dangers, at least there were semi-stable governments on her borders. That is no longer the case.

Syria, threatening to become the next haven for al-Qaeda and a terrorist highway for chemical and biological weapons; Lebanon, providing a perch for Hezbollah; Egypt, struggling through domestic chaos; the Sinai, becoming the Wild West for terrorist smugglers; Gaza, re-arming for the next opportunity to attack; Jordan, where Islamic radical elements are trying to weaken the kingdom; and Iran, only a few hundred miles away, marching ever-closer toward a nuclear capability.

Israel is confronted by mounting threats, surrounded by conflict, with no resolution in sight. Where can Israel turn for a reliable ally? Europe? Asia? The one country in the world, the only country in the world that Israel has been able to count on -- to count on to meet the challenges of the last six decades has been the United States of America.

Today, that relationship is more important than ever before. And so, on the eve of Israel's 65th anniversary, the question that we, the guarantors of that friendship, must ask ourselves is: Are we doing everything we can to ensure that America will stand by the side of the Jewish state now and always?

To answer the question we have to focus on political changes taking place on our own shores. Since 1948, Congress has been a bedrock of support for the U.S.-Israel alliance. It happened because we approached leaders one-on-one and educated them about why Israel matters to America. We helped them understand how a strong Israel serves America's interests abroad and guarantees a stable ally in an unstable region of the world. We helped ensure that our leaders had the chance to enhance their understanding of Israel's challenges by traveling there and seeing the land for themselves. And we met with candidates for Congress so that, no matter who won election, we knew our leaders and they knew us. That formula worked. It still works.

But here's the challenge. What happens when our leaders come and go at such a rate that nearly half the entire Congress changes in just four years? It sounds impossible, but that unprecedented change is exactly what has just taken place. In the last three elections, more than 40 percent of the members of the House and Senate either retired or were defeated. We welcomed more than 210 new members of Congress in just the last two elections alone.

Think about how that kind of change would feel if it was affecting your business, your child's school, your church or synagogue, or your doctor's office. And this challenge is magnified. In district after district, in state after state, more candidates with a chance of winning are running for office. Hence, the number of candidates we need to get to know and educate is multiplying. And each of them needs exponentially more money to run an effective campaign. In the last election, candidates for Congress spent upwards of $3 billion on campaigns, an amount inconceivable a generation ago. Simply put, for our community to continue to have political impact, we need more people contributing to pro-Israel candidates of their choice.

This new reality of much higher congressional turnover has numerous other implications for our work. You and I may understand the mounting threats confronting Israel, but what about all of these new candidates running for office? What about your new member of Congress? Was he or she ready on day one to vote on complicated foreign policy matters? The fact is, important roles on congressional committees vital to the U.S.-Israel relationship are increasingly held by individuals with little foreign policy experience. Most of the freshmen members of Congress, who are replacing veteran foreign policy experts, come to office having never visited Israel. Some have not yet traveled beyond America's shores.

We cannot take it for granted that our policymakers will get it when it comes to Israel. The nation's leadership is changing and the life experiences of these new leaders are inherently different. Today, more people arriving in Congress were born after the Iranian hostage crisis in 1979 than those who remember the birth of the state of Israel. It's to be expected with the passage of time. Their association and connection to Israel is different, as it will be for successive generations. But we have to recognize that fact and work to educate our country's leaders about the past as they vote on issues which will affect our future.

And there is another dimension as well. We also have to recognize a growing allure of isolationism among some of our new leaders. In the wake of two wars and a battered economy, we see signs of an increasing desire to disengage from world events and focus inward. This growing yearning to untangle from what is perceived as too complicated a world affects both parties, conservatives and liberals alike. They just want out. For Israel, even the tendency toward isolationism is extremely dangerous.

While America's leadership has undergone change, so too has our electorate. In the last election, non-white voters made up a historic 28 percent of those voting, up from 19 percent in 2000. Evangelical Christians at 27 percent also represented a growing share of the voting public. These and other groups will have increasing political influence in the years ahead. In 30 years, when the students here are in their 50s, America's population should balloon to 400 million people, and the majority will be minority. We're talking about a diverse, multi-cultural, multi-racial population.

All these changes -- congressional turnover, increased costs of campaigns, isolationist inclinations, and demographic shifts -- all of these were trends we saw coming. We anticipated these changes. And thanks to the activism of the men and women in this room, we've been able to adjust to new realities and make the most of new opportunities. But we must do more to continue to keep pace with rapid change.

So what does that mean? In the political realm, we have asked AIPAC Club members to join our newly-formed Congressional Club, to encourage them to give to the political process. But let me ask you, are you contributing to pro-Israel candidates? Are you a member of the Congressional Club? Is everyone in your family and business circle who could be giving to pro-Israel candidates doing so?

In addition, we are working to expand the number of new members of Congress who visit Israel. But we need your help. Encourage your members of Congress to make this critical visit. We also are working to increase involvement within the American Jewish community through our synagogue initiative. And we are pleased to welcome 250 congregations and their leaders.

But let me ask you, is your synagogue represented here? And if so, how many -- how many more members of our congressional family could have joined you to lend their voices, resources and advocacy? We are working with a growing number of our friends in the Christian, Latino and African-American communities to increase their involvement with -- in AIPAC. We are -- applause -- we are thrilled that AIPAC each year looks more like America.

But still, we are only at the beginning. We all know that we have much more work to do to fulfill our shared potential. And we need your help so AIPAC can continue to reach beyond its traditional Jewish base of support. And of course, if we are going to ensure that we are stronger in the future than we are today, we must pay special attention to the men and women who will be leading our movement in the decades to come. It's wonderful to see more than 2,000 high school and college students at this conference.

But let me ask you, how many more students who care deeply about Israel are not here? How many students are struggling to find a path where they can be involved and make a difference? Are we doing everything we can to say to them, there's a place for you here; be part of AIPAC?

Ladies and gentlemen, we must do everything we can to involve and increase the number of pro-Israel Americans advocating for a strong U.S.-Israel alliance. We know that when it comes to making Israel safer and America stronger, we matter. Our work matters. AIPAC matters. But we can only keep pace with the tidal wave of change if we each resolve to engage more, educate more, give more.

At this hour, as Israel remains threatened, at this hour, when we are fortunate enough to bear witness to a modern nation, leading the way in every discipline imaginable, you and I have a shared interest in seeing America and Israel kept safe, secure, and strong. Together, we can shape the arc of history. We know what can be achieved by building friendships and successful partnerships with our nation's leaders. And we understand what is at stake if we fail.

So I return to my opening question: Are we doing everything we can to ensure that America will stand by the side of Israel now and always? For the sake of the United States, for the sake of Israel, our only answer can be, must be, yes. Thank you. Thanks.

Size & Foreign Aid

Tue, 12 Mar 2013 15:22:41 -0400

Why I Commit: Erika Schupak-Neuberg

Tue, 12 Mar 2013 15:21:44 -0400

Why I Commit: Eric Zoller

Tue, 12 Mar 2013 15:21:26 -0400

Best Of Policy Conference 2013

Tue, 12 Mar 2013 15:14:53 -0400

Feeling The Love At AIPAC

by Gil Troy

Mar 4, 2013 10:45 AM EST

Despite being repeatedly accused of belonging to the IZC—the International Zionist Conspiracy—I have never attended “Policy Conference,” the AIPAC convention currently taking place in Washington. As an academic, I am not an organization man. This year, as part of my “Moynihan’s Moment” book tour, I spoke at the convention—and discovered an American Israel Public Affairs Committee which is more American-Israel lovefest than all-powerful PAC. What most struck me was the sweetness of AIPAC.

Before attending the conference, I had heard it all. One friend warned I would walk away from such a vulgar display of Jewish power “anti-Semitic.” Another coached me in the conferences’ subtleties, wherein participants are defined by the “lanyard” color around their neck, signifying their giving level. A third expected me to return with the Vast Right Wing Conspiracy’s Secret Decoder Ring.

But what impressed me was the AIPACers’ earnestness, intensity, and warmth. Jew and non-Jew, African-American and Latino, left and right, old and young, they conveyed far more innocent love than manipulative anger. One woman speaker rose in the opening plenary and proclaimed, “I love Israel,” explaining this love as a gift from her parents and a core component of her Jewish identity. A man featured in a convention video talked about the heritage of Israel commitment his Israeli parents transmitted but how the trauma of losing his mother-in-law in 9/11 was triggered his activism. He, too, spoke more in sweet sadness than edgy anger. This is a movement fueled by love not hate.

Moreover, on the two panels I participated on (so far) and in the big convention scenes I witnessed, the commitment to a two-state solution—which includes a Palestinian state—was taken as a given. Even the discussion about the Turkish prime minister’s ugly words last week calling Zionism a “crime against humanity,” often reflected more anguish than anger. (And allow me to add that his words challenge all of Israel’s critics: are you ready to denounce his poison and acknowledge that without the persistence scrutiny of U.N. Watch his words probably would have been overlooked?) The convention had a bit of a Sally Field strain, a sense, when leading politicians appeared, of the audience channeling the actress’s classic 1985 needy Academy Award acceptance “this time I feel it, and I can't deny the fact that you like me, right now, you like me!”

Most AIPACers are not naïve—they understand the conflicts’ complexities and the Palestinians’ pain. But most cannot comprehend the disproportionate obsession with Israel, especially when Syria’s Assad slaughters 70,000, to name just one of many greater and simpler human rights challenges. And it was interesting how many of them use Israel to build a core Jewish identity and a platform to express their democratic ideals. There was tremendous excitement around the thousands of young attendees—with one young man on one of AIPAC’s well-produced videos talking about AIPAC as his entrée into American politics, stirring his desire to become “the first Jewish President.”

So, after day one, I walk away inspired—although a bit exhausted by what I see as the wave of hatred that emanates constantly from so many of Israel’s critics. I was thrilled by the hug I received from a Latino union organizer in San Francisco, who told me that after returning home from a Sabbath dinner my family and I hosted for him in Jerusalem shortly after the Gaza conflagration this fall he told his friends “we have to help make peace for that family and others, so they don’t have to fight."

And I was thrilled by another embrace I received from one of the policy conference’s rock stars, Canada’s foreign minister, John Baird. Baird gave a passionate, eloquent endorsement of Israel—again fueled more by love than by hate—but with some edge as he vowed to resist the diplomatic pressure to pile on against Israel. “We won’t go along to get along,” he said—echoing Daniel Patrick Moynihan’s line about refusing to “tone down” as a diplomat: “What is this word toning down; when you are faced with an out-right lie about the United States and we go in and say this is not true. Now, how do you tone that down? Do you say it is only half untrue?” Moynihan asked.

At a reception for Canadians last night, I gave the Foreign Minister my book, and he gave me a big hug—my first official ministerial embrace. “I love Moynihan,” he exclaimed. Moynihan, also, wasn’t a hater. He was a fighter who understood, as Baird and so many of the AIPACers understand, that fighting for constructive core ideals is more effective than lashing out fueled by destructive, vindictive emotions. If Israel’s enemies learned that lesson too, we could achieve peace.

http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2013/03/04/feeling-the-love-at-aipac.html

Shaping Tomorrow Together: Restoring Hope

Tue, 12 Mar 2013 15:13:07 -0400

Shaping Tomorrow Together: Protecting Soldiers and Civilians

Tue, 12 Mar 2013 15:12:56 -0400

Shaping Tomorrow Together: Healing Unseen Wounds

Tue, 12 Mar 2013 15:12:42 -0400

Shaping Tomorrow Together: Feeding the Future

Tue, 12 Mar 2013 15:12:23 -0400

Lobbying in a Minute - Foreign Aid

Tue, 12 Mar 2013 15:10:59 -0400

About Us

Tue, 12 Mar 2013 11:27:30 -0400

Described by The New York Times as "the most important organization affecting America's relationship with Israel,” AIPAC advocates for U.S. cooperation with Israel on a wide range of issues. From promoting peace between Israel and its neighbors to facilitating U.S.-Israel exchanges of expertise and equipment for homeland security, defense and counterterrorism to collaborating on technology, science and agricultural products, AIPAC is there to encourage the close working relationship between the countries.

AIPAC is registered as a domestic lobby and supported financially by private donations. The organization receives no financial assistance from Israel, from any national organization or any foreign group. AIPAC is not a political action committee and it does not rate, endorse or contribute to candidates.

Rabbi Lord Jonathan Sacks

Mon, 11 Mar 2013 14:52:19 -0400

AS DELIVERED

Beloved friends, I'm actually only here to give you a change of accents; I just hope you don't need simultaneous translation. (Laughter.) But I'm here as part of an English delegation to give you the view from Europe. And the view from Europe is that AIPAC is something out of this world. It is just amazing.

Friends, it reminds me, if I can just you this story, lovely story about Yossi, an Israeli, who opened a falafel bar in Golders Green. Golders Green is the English Brooklyn. And Yossi's falafel bar was one day visited by the tax inspector who was reading through his books and he was saying, Mr. Yossi, this falafel of yours, this is a kind of Jewish takeaway; am I right?

And Yossi, with a big smile, says, yes. The tax inspector says, Mr. Yossi, I understand where you've written down as expenses rent, electricity, materials; but why have you written down under business expenses two trips to Miami and three trips to Tel Aviv? And Yossi, with a big smile, said, that's easy; we deliver! (Laughter.)

Friends, AIPAC, you deliver. You deliver—(applause)—a strong Israel and a strong Jewish people. May God bless you and may you continue to bless the people in the state of Israel.

Friends, I want to tell you how things are looking like in Europe today. When I was a child, there was one line in the Haggadah that I never understood. [Hebrew.] It was not one alone who stood against us. [Hebrew.] But in every generation they did so. And always as a child I used to say, that belongs to my parents' generation; not to us; not to us born after the Holocaust. I grew up; in all my life I never experienced a single incident of anti-Semitism until 11 years ago.

Eleven years ago, our youngest daughter, who was studying at a British university, came home in tears. She had been at an anti-globalization rally which quickly turned into a tirade first against America, then against Israel, then against Jews. And with tears in her eyes she said, Dad, they hate us. That is a terrible situation, but it's reality in Europe today.

In the last two weeks there have been stories about the rise of anti-Semitic incidents in France by 58 percent in a single year; in Belgium, 30 percent; in Denmark, doubled in the space of three years. In England—in France and Italy, English football supporters were attacked not because they were Jews but because they were supporting a football team many of whose supporters happened to be Jews. And I don't know whether you read this—I'm sure you did—last Wednesday the Turkish president, Mr. Erdogan, called Zionism a "crime against humanity."

I have to tell you that what we grew up with, "never again," is beginning to sound like "ever again." And at the heart of it is hostility to Israel. Of course, not all criticism of Israel is anti-Semitic. But make no mistake what has happened.

In the Middle Ages Jews were hated because of their religion. In the 19th century and the 20th, they were hated because of their race. Today, when it's no longer done to hate people for their religion or their race, today they are hated because of their state. The reason changes, but the hate stays the same. Anti-Zionism is the new anti-Semitism. (Applause.)

And friends, I've come here to tell you that I believe the example of AIPAC must now inform Jewish communities around Europe, because we have to stand up and fight and we have to stand up and win. Friends, anti-Zionism is today rife throughout the world. All our students on campuses know about it. And what is our crime? What is Israel's crime? It's that we have chutzpah.

Let me tell you the chutzpah we have. After all, there are 56 Islamic states, there are 125 nations whose majority is Christian, and now Jews want a state of their own. How dare they? And it's so big. Friends, you know how big Israel is?

There's a lovely park in a little corner of South Africa. I don't know if you've ever been there. It's a sort of wild game reserve where you can see lions and giraffes and elephants and hippopotamuses—or hippopotami, depending on whether or not they've had a classical education. (Laughter.) It is called the Kruger National Park.

Friends, Israel is the same size as Kruger National Park. How dare they want something that big? Don't Jews by now know that their role in history is to be scattered, dispersed, homeless, and defenseless? And now they want a space where they can defend themselves. How dare they? Friends, we dare because we are human. We dare because to be denied the right to self-defense is to be treated as less than human. Mr. Erdogan, it is anti-Zionism that is a crime against humanity. (Applause.)

How—how much longer—(applause)—how much longer must the Jewish people have to fight for the right to be? Let me tell you, friends, what is Israel. Elaine and I have just come back; just 10 days ago we were on a series of missions in Israel. And let us remind you what we saw, what you saw, what everyone sees but the world does not see.

We saw school after school and youth village after youth village where children at-risk or children from dysfunctional or abusive families are taken and given the care that will give them hope and a future in life. We saw youth villages where Ethiopian children are given the means suddenly to make that leap across centuries and cultures and find their own excellence. We saw the power of love to transform lives.

We saw hospitals. I don't know if you've been recently to the Rambam Hospital in Haifa. In Haifa, the Rambam Hospital is building the world's largest underground hospital, proof against bombs, missiles, chemical and biological weapons, so that when Israel's enemies decide to destroy lives, they will continue saving them.

We saw the new Bar-Ilan Medical Center in Safed, set up to bring the finest possible medical treatment. Who to? Only to Jews? No. To Muslims, to Christians, to Druze villages throughout the Galil, because to be a Jew in Israel means you care for every life; every life is sacred. (Applause.)

We saw the Laniado Hospital in the Netanya, a place I always visit because it moves me almost beyond words. Many of you know the Laniado Hospital was built by the Klausenburger Rebbe, a survivor of Auschwitz who during the Holocaust lost his wife and all 11 children. And there in the camps of death made an oath that if he should ever survive he would dedicate the rest of his life to saving life.

That is what I see in Israel. Every time I visit Israel I find among Israelis, secular or religious, an absolute unswerving dedication to Moshe Rabbenu's great command Uvacharta Bachayim, "Choose life." Israel is the sustained defiance of hatred and power in the name of life because we are the people who sanctify life. (Applause.)

Friends, in the last decade the equation has changed. Today the struggle against Israel is no longer just against Israel. Today what is at stake in Israel's survival is the future of freedom itself. Because make no mistake, this will be the defining battle of the 21st century which will prevail: the will to power with its violence, terror, missiles, and bombs; or the will to life with its hospitals, schools, freedoms, and rights. Believe you me, I have the privilege of knowing.

See, Christians, Hindus, Sheiks, moderate Muslims, and I tell you from my experience Israel is a source of inspiration not just to us but to them as well, because it tells every single person on the face of the earth that you don't have—a nation doesn't have to be large to be great. A nation doesn't have to be rich in natural resources to prosper.

Israel has been surrounded by enemies and yet it has shown that even so you can still be a democracy, still have a free press, still have an independent judiciary. Israel is the only country in the Middle East where a Palestinian can stand up on national television and criticize the government and the next day still be a free human being. (Applause.)

Israel is an inspiration to the world. And since we spend a certain amount of our time traveling around the world, we see this only too richly. I still have—because once upon a time Hong Kong had a little bit to do the—with the British Empire. We lost Hong Kong. We lost the Empire Visca Maton [ph]. I'm not so pleased about you lot either; 1776, don't think we've forgotten. But still. (Laughter.)

And so it was one of my visits to Hong Kong after the handover, I went to see Mr. Tung Chee Hwa, the Beijing appointment as head of Hong Kong. And I tell you this man, this Chinese appointment, was a lover of Jews and Judaism and Israel. He said to me, you know, your people and my people are very old people. You've been around 6,000 years; we've been around 5,000 years. Tell me, I always wanted to know, what did you do for the first thousand years before you had Kosher Chinese takeaways? (Laughter.)

I said, Mr. Tung, you want to know what we did for the first thousand years? We complained about the food. (Laughter.) And Mr. Tung said to me, I want to go and visit Israel because I see that as the model of development for here. And he did go two or three months later and came back absolutely inspired. And I went straight to the Israeli ambassador in London and said, look how the world has changed. There was a time when Israel dreamed about being the Hong Kong of the Middle East; today Hong Kong dreams, halevai, we should be the Israel of the Far East. (Applause.)

Friends, we have people who do strange things in Britain. Three years ago, I don't know if you read this in the papers, the British atheists paid a fortune for London buses to carry a logo saying "probably—" puh-puh-puh "-- there is no god." Did you read about this? Actually all the London buses, "There's probably no god."

So I wrote about this. You know, that's a very interesting word, "probably." After all, how probable is it that the universe should exist? How probable is it that life should exist? How probable is it that out of all the 3 million life forms on the—on the planet Earth, only one, us, is capable of asking the question "why"? Nothing interesting is remotely probable.

And then I said, think about the Jewish people. How probably is it that one man, Abraham, who commanded no empire, ordered no army, performed no miracle, delivered no prophecy, should today without doubt be the most influential man who ever lived, who's claimed as the spiritual ancestor by 2.4 billion Christians, 1.6 billion Muslims, and most of you in the room today? (Laughter.)

How probable is it that this tiny people, the Jewish people, numbering less than one-fifth of 1 percent of the population of the world, should have outlived—as you just heard—the world's greatest empires—the Egyptians, the Syrians, the Babylonians, the Greeks, the Romans—every empire that ever stood up to destroy us, they are being consigned to history and still we stand and sing "Am Yisrael Chai"?

How likely is it—(applause)—that after 2,000 years of exile our people should have come back to our land and there in—having stood eyeball to eyeball in Auschwitz a mere three years earlier, eyeball to eyeball with the Angel of Death, in 1948 said, despite the worst crime of man against man, lo amut kiechyeh—I will not die but I will live? Israel is the greatest collective affirmation of life in the whole of Jewish history. (Applause.)

Friends, Judaism is the defeat of probability by the power of possibility. And nowhere will you see the power of possibility more than in the state of Israel today. Israel has taken a barren land and made it bloom again. Israel has taken an ancient language, the language of the Bible, and make it speak again. Israel has taken the West's oldest faith and made it young again. Israel has taken a shattered nation and make it live again.

Friends, let us not rest until Israel's light shines throughout the world, the world's great symbol of life and hope. Amen. (Applause.)

Sergeant Benjamin Anthony

Mon, 11 Mar 2013 13:31:36 -0400

AS DELIVERED

Good morning to everyone here. I'd like to begin immediately, as always I do, by giving my sincere, sincere thanks to God above all else for sparing me whilst others would not, so that I might have the privilege of addressing myself to you here today.

In absentia I'd like to follow on by extending my sincere thanks to the soldiers alongside whom I have had the privilege of serving, both as a conscript and as a reservist, both in the past and in the more recent past, who have always put their hands into the smalls of my back and pushed me forward within my work in uniform and here in this suit and tie. And I'm sure you thank them as well.

I'd also like to make special mention today of the students that I have met throughout these United States on some 270 university campuses who have brought my message forward proudly and have stood the line time and again in the face of tremendous opposition. I commend you and I say hazak, hazk, v'nithazek, be strong and we will be strengthened.

My friends, I want to tell you of two particular stories that have shaped my life. The first story of which I speak took place in the year 1994 and it befell myself and three of my siblings. For as the four of us traveled toward the Jewish day school that we attended that was a two-and-a-half hour commute away from our home, my oldest brother Jonathan was suddenly and brutally attacked by a gang of seven thugs, by a gang of men -- not boys and not teenagers, but men. He was attacked simply because he was Jewish. He was assailed. He was head-butted. He was beaten unconscious. His eyes rolled back in his skull.

As all of this continued, my two younger siblings sought help but none was forthcoming. And as quickly as the doors upon which they knocked opened, they were closed because nobody wished to be so much as to be seen to be helping.

And as my dear brother Jonathan's body was permitted to fall to the ground, as these brutes and these thugs then proceeded to raise up bricks and throw them down upon his head and upon his abdomen, as they then stomped upon him and kicked him, as they pivoted left and right, as they got down on their knees in order to find a more advantageous position from where they could continue that attack, as they repeatedly pounded his head into the sidewalk, there was one sibling who stood by and did nothing and that was me. I stood by and did absolutely nothing for far too long.

And I stood by not because I was frozen by fear but rather because I was guilty of making a gross presumption, one that suggested in my own mind that these thugs would come to an understanding that enough was enough and that nothing further could be justified. I assumed that they operated by the code that I held dear to myself.

But it was the instructive cry of the ringleader to his followers to not stop until that Jew was dead that demonstrated to me that if I did not act immediately to protect Jonathan, I was going to rapidly arrive at a point where there was nothing left to defend. For on that day, those thugs had the intention of removing a Jew from the earth.

And so I finally was propelled to act and threw myself atop my brother. I was beaten in very similar fashion. I awaited the conclusion of that attack and stood up and looked over at Jonathan, who was a bleeding and bloody mess. I picked him up in my arms and I carried him to the school gates and then watched as an ambulance whisked him away to the closest hospital.

I begin by telling you of that story because I wish to be counted with you and to bring all of you to one understanding. You see, as a consequence of that attack, Jonathan's health began to deteriorate rather rapidly. And that deterioration in health culminated in three liver transplants that he had to undergo in the space of a single week.

So I've learned many lessons being a Jew from Europe, where that attack took place. I've learned many lessons as a soldier in Israel and I've learned many a lesson on your campuses. And paramount amongst those lessons would be this: In light of the dangers that Israel faces from both within and beyond her borders, whether it be Israel the country or Israel the people, for we friends of Israel to ever wait in order to defend ourselves is simply to await defeat.

And for us to ever allow ourselves to be intimidated by the great odds that stand before us is simply to usher in a far more terrifying prospect to come to pass. And we must ensure, quite simply, that that does not happen on our watch. That is all, plain and simple.

My friends, I could regale you today with stories of heroism and bravery in action, not in my name but in the name of the soldiers I've served alongside. I could do that, but I would rather bring to you one conversation that we have. During our journey into a war zone, we were immediately told on one occasion that we were to set about camouflaging each other's faces, precisely in the manner that we were taught to do so during basic training, to darken the bright parts of the face and to brighten the dull, to break the appearance of the human form.

It fell upon me to paint the face of a soldier named Dodi. He came from Tel Aviv. Not from contested territories; he came from Tel Aviv. But there he was in the midst of that war. Now, it may surprise some of you to learn this, but given that he was entering a combat zone, Dodi was frightened and he was breathing heavily.

I know because I could feel it on my fingertips as I applied the paint to his top lip. And as I did so, he fired at me the most chilling question I've ever been asked. He said, promise me, Ben, that if I die there you won't leave my body for them to take; promise me you'll bring my dead body back to Israel.

How many people here have ever had to ask a question such as that? Let alone at the age of 18. But our soldiers do. They have done so generation after generation and yet, knowing the horrors of war and all that it brings, they march forward. And they do so to defend Israel and, may I remind everybody here once more, Israel isn't just a country; it is also a people. And many of you are part of that people. And when we go forward, I assure you we go forward to defend all of you here, [Hebrew]. That is what we are here for.

And I do not -- I do not lament the existence of the Israel Defense Forces. I celebrate it and you should celebrate it with me.

My friends, in coming to a close, I wish not to speak about my time in uniform. I wish, rather, to speak of my time as a citizen in Israel. For in the final analysis, our soldiers are our citizens and our citizens are our soldiers.

During my time as a citizen of Israel, I regularly visit a school in the town of Sderot. You can go and see it; it's called the [Hebrew]. It's the School of Science and Talmudic Learning. It runs until the age of Bar mitzvah, age 13.

A few months ago I took a kindly donor to visit that school with me to see how she might be able to assist them in their plight. I interviewed there on an impromptu basis a young boy named Boaz, with a kippah upon his head that was far too big for him, with the Jewish fringes that run down far below his knee, as is often the case. And I asked him to recount for us how his day had been.

Without any hesitation he responded thus, and I'll translate immediately thereafter. He said, [Hebrew]. Boaz said, I woke up at 5:30 this morning. There was a red alert, a siren. Everybody panicked, but I don't worry anymore. I don't worry anymore because we have the Iron Dome system, which means nobody can hurt me. You tell me who can hurt me today.

So when you think of Iron Dome, my friends, think not of it in terms of smashing down rockets en route to Israel's citizens and towns. Think not of it as a destructive force of war. Understand that by in placing Iron Dome where it is, you do not destroy; you build a pathway towards a future for the children of the state of Israel. You bring calm to an uncertain region. You allow a mother to lay easily in bed at night once again, knowing that no harm will befall her children this night. That is the work of you.

That is the work of this organization. And I thank God for each and every one of you for so doing. Do not forget it.

And my final point is this. There is a reality that comes with war. The last time I was called to the line was to take part in a war that eventually ultimately never was, Operation Pillar of Defense. Now, I happened to be in New York the day I was called back to my unit. And I purchased a ticket. And there's a routine that soldiers undergo. You visit your home, you collect your kit bag, you make sure that you have your combat vest. And then, for the briefest of instants, you turn inward and you ask yourself silently, as every combat soldier must, am I still willing to die for this country?

My friends, I reported to that line some hours thereafter and I want you to know that standing by me on that line, 135 of the soldiers called to reserve duty reported, left their homes and came to defend the Jewish homeland. The reason this is so significant is because in this time of great confusion we are clear of one thing in the final analysis.

We fight, certainly, for democracy. We fight, certainly, for technological advance and innovation. We fight, certainly, because of our remembrances of the horrors of the Holocaust. But we fight primarily, and we forever will do, because of something else. We fight because, as is evinced and proven in every single prayer book on every bookshelf and every synagogue of every denomination, in every, town, city, country, continent where there's a synagogue, in whichever language those words are translated into, our people have always been sustained and yearned towards that land because we believe and know that it is the home of the Jewish people. And all that we fight for is worthy of being defended. Let us never, never forget that.

Be sustained always by the refrain [Hebrew]. God will bless; God will give his people strength; God will bless his people with peace. First comes strength. Peace will yet follow. You are that strength. I thank you and I pray for Shalom Chai Israel.

Thank you very, very much. Thank you.

AIPAC Chief Executive Officer Howard Kohr

Mon, 11 Mar 2013 13:27:52 -0400

AS DELIVERED

In just a few weeks, President Obama will visit Israel, and there he will see a country full of energy and innovation, producing record numbers of Nobel laureates, making daily advances in science and medicine—a nation of entrepreneurs—a dynamic, vibrant society filled with the promise of tomorrow.

And he will also see a country targeted for annihilation, where young soldiers sit beside Iron Dome batteries poised to shoot down incoming rockets; where families kiss their teenage sons and daughters good bye—with the twin emotions of pride and concern as their children leave to defend their country; where to the north and the south, tens of thousands of rockets and missiles sit pointed at this tiny miracle in a sea of unrest.

Beyond Israel's borders, widen the lens, and this is what the President would see—A Middle East simmering to the point of boiling over. A region crumbling before our eyes. Syria deteriorating into a war of all against all. Egypt, at the edge, grappling with the rise of Islamic radicalism that has moved from the mosques into the halls of power; its economy in free fall, desperately trying to feed 80 million people. Across the region, Al Qaeda and its local offshoots are gathering strength. Even Jordan, long stable and a key ally, feels the ground shake. And amid this chaos—in some ways, under the cover of this chaos -- Iran accelerates its race for the bomb.

We need to be realistic about what we see at this moment. Yes we know, after any earthquake come the aftershocks. But this is not a spasm that will ripple and recede. After this earthquake may come a tsunami, a wave of radicalization, reaction, rage aimed at the age-old enemies: Israel and America.

We've seen a glimpse of its face: In Cairo: The storming of the American and Israeli Embassies; In Azerbaijan: Iran going after America's ambassador; In Yemen: Al Qaeda offering a bounty for our ambassador; In Libya: the killing of an American Ambassador and three other Americans; and in Turkey: The murder of a U.S. embassy guard. The forces now emerging are considerably less pro-American and markedly more anti-Israel than ever before.

This is the new Middle East. A Middle East far more unstable—more uncertain—than at any time in the last 100 years. It changes not just Israel's current planning for conflict: it changes Israel's entire security dynamic—and ours. Not a single Sunni country is free from these forces pulling it in two divergent directions: forward to the modern world, and back to a world defined by differences of clan and sect.

This situation will not resolve itself in the span of a single Spring—or even several. This is a struggle that will consume the Arab nations for many winters to come. It will make life more dangerous for Israel and more perilous for the United States.

To deal with the new Middle East, we must be willing not to wish away harsh realties, but to make an honest open-eyed appraisal of the region today and what is required of us at this moment in history. What is needed is a new architecture for the relationship between the United States and Israel. We must create a new, major strategic partnership. In the words of Lincoln, "We must think anew and act anew."

Here's the historic context: During the dangerous days of the Cold War, Israel emerged as a strategic ally of the United States against Soviet aggression in the Middle East. And we, as a community, worked hard to ensure that fact was cemented in American policy. Today, the Cold War is history, but the Middle East is more complicated than ever. Once again events reveal Israel as the major strategic partner that she is: the one nation in a chaotic neighborhood who shares our vision and our values.

This morning I want to talk about three dimensions of this new strategic partnership—a partnership which: one, will deal with the immediate threat of Iran; two, contain regional instability; and three, address global challenges and opportunities.

First, Iran. Stopping Iran's nuclear weapons program is the most important step the world can take to arrest the radical trends sweeping the Middle East. America and Israel have done much together to slow Iran's relentless pace. And yet, the nuclear centrifuges continue to spin. We must do more together to pressure the Iranian regime by deepening the impact of economic sanctions and creating greater diplomatic isolation.

We are glad that President Obama will soon be in Israel, and we urge him while he is there to restate what he said from this very platform one year ago. And I quote: "we will use all elements of American power to pressure Iran and prevent it from acquiring a nuclear weapon." End quote.

We know that the key to our success on this front is the key to our success on every front. When America and Israel stand together, the chances for success are very high. That is why our message when we go to the Hill today—our message every day—is simply this: we will not stop until we stop Iran.

And if after all diplomatic and economic efforts, the mullahs still refuse to give up their nuclear ambitions, and Israel is compelled to respond to an Iranian nuclear program, we, America, must be unequivocal in our support of our ally.

And that is why we strongly support a Congressional Resolution which says the following: "If Israel is compelled to take military action in self-defense, the United States should stand with Israel and provide diplomatic, military, and economic support to our ally in its defense of its territory, people, and existence." This is what it means to have Israel's back!

In addition to stopping Iran, there is a second element to this strategic partnership. US-Israel cooperation to contain regional instability. Take Jordan. Beyond its own capabilities, who does Jordan's military rely upon? The United States and Israel. Look at Syria. What nations are working to contain the consequences of a regime in collapse? The United States, Jordan, and Israel. Turn to Egypt. When the Morsi regime works to keep the calm in the Sinai and Gaza, who helps?

The United States and Israel. Today, Egypt has no border integrity: not with Sudan to the south, nor with Libya to its west. Egypt's only secure border is the one it shares with Israel. And who shares America's commitment—fully and completely—to deny Iran a nuclear weapon? No one more than Israel. That is what links ally to ally: a common focus that is in our common interest.

Clearly the chaos in the Middle East will not magically be transformed into calm anytime soon.

We know that these are essentially internal problems. But the US-Israel partnership, if enhanced, offers the best chance to advance America's interests in the region.

To do that, we need to increase military and intelligence cooperation, enhance security assistance to Israel, increase missile defense cooperation, and further integrate Israel into America's Eastern Mediterranean strategy. All of this is needed to ensure Israel remains the one reliable anchor for America's interest in a tumultuous sea.

And finally, the possibilities are not limited to the Middle East. This new partnership can bring hope to the world. Under the framework, our two nations will be able to significantly increase our work together on a vast array of the world's biggest threats and challenges in counter terrorism, cyber security, homeland security, protecting our food supply, our water supply, working together toward education innovation, energy independence, medical breakthroughs, nanotechnology, and a cleaner environment.

Let me give you one example from today's headlines. In cyber security, there are countries trying to undermine America's economic and military infrastructure, trying to steal your identity and crumble our banking system all through cyber warfare. Israel has unique capabilities to partner with us, to repel these threats and protect us from further harm. This is but one example in an almost endless list.

So let me restate the three pillars of this strategic partnership: stopping Iran, containing regional instability, addressing global challenges and opportunities. Let me be clear. This will not happen overnight. All of us here must work day in and day out in the coming months and years to spread the word, persuade our decision makers that now is the time to create this new strategic partnership not only for America's sake, not just for Israel's needs but for our collective, global future.

When we combine capability with character—the ideals and values that define a nation—Israel, tiny as she is, stands—with the United States—among the very small number of nations on this Earth that share a commitment to freedom and democracy.

We are here in Washington to summon not only the courage to deal with the dangers of the moment but also the vision to lay the groundwork for the opportunities of the future. None of this will happen without us.

For the past two days we have told you—from this stage, in videos, in breakout sessions—stories. We shared with you the genius of inventor Amit Gofer who is allowing the paralyzed to walk, the near miraculous accomplishment of Danny Gold and his team who produced Iron Dome, which, every day, prevents the deaths of Israelis and Palestinians. We introduced you to Dr. Amir Ameedi who literally allows the blind to see. We told you about the men and women helping to lessen the suffering of those with Post Traumatic Stress, and the incredible commitment of Israelis whose know-how is helping to produce food in Ethiopia.

We told you these stories because they are incredible. We told you these stories because you should know about the innovation, the power of ideas, the determination of these individuals.

We told you these stories because genius should be celebrated for its own sake. But we also shared these stories as preparation for what we are about to do.

You see, when in a few moments, we depart this convention center and make our way to Capitol Hill, it is vital that we carry with us these stories. We must understand that we are not lobbying today for legislation. We are lobbying for life.

Aid to Israel, Strategic Partnership, Stopping Iran. I trust you all have your talking points. And you will need to make the arguments well. But, the power of your argument must be fueled by your recognition that "aid to Israel" is an investment measured in lives saved, deaths prevented, the preservation of a country whose contributions to science, medicine, and technology are nothing less than miraculous.

Major strategic partner is government speak for an Israeli engineer, American scientist working together to make sure we have fresh water to drink, clean air to breath, food that is safe to eat and a world that is free from terror.

I want all of you, Policy Conference veterans, first timers, students, to remember that the lobbying we are about to do is not a technical process. The real work, the ultimate task at hand to is to seize this moment and recognize that we are here this day to give our Congressman, our Senators, a gift: the gift of understanding, of knowledge. The gift of knowing that through our actions we are making America stronger, Israel safer, and our world better.

Thank you.

Chairman of the Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations, Richard Stone

Mon, 11 Mar 2013 13:20:14 -0400

AS DELIVERED

Four weeks ago, a delegation of the Conference of Presidents went to Toulouse in France to visit Ozar Hatorah, the school where less than a year ago Jewish children and a rabbi were shot to death for being Jewish. At lunch, I sat next to the school principal, Rabbi Monsonego, whose 8-year-old daughter Miriam was among those murdered. The father, with all the energy he can gather, continues to run this wonderful school, but he's still reluctant to talk directly about what happened and he rarely does so and he rarely entertains visitors.

At one point, without any words or explanation, he simply handed me a digital photo of his daughter. I was acutely aware at that moment of the fact that a few months earlier Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Hollande of France had gone together to Toulouse, had visited Ozar Hatorah and had sat with the grieving father.

I understand that there's little we can really do in many ways for Rabbi Monsonego, and I understand that we are fighting still a difficult battle in Europe and elsewhere against anti-Semitism and against terror. Still, I tried to put into historical perspective the fact that the French president and the Israeli prime minister had traveled together to comfort the bereaved Jews of Toulouse.

And so in Toulouse I thought once again, as I do frequently, what a different world Jews live in because of the fact that 70 years after the slaughter of 40 percent of our people, a Jewish army and a Jewish government protect a Jewish state where any Jew is welcome. Israel has changed the ground rules of Jewish life in so many ways.

And the utter centrality of Israel to Jewish existence gives each of us the potential to play a role—an important role—in our common future; I wonder when ever that happened before. As Americans, we believe ferociously in American values and in the unique contribution America makes to democracy and to the decent treatment of human beings. As Jews, we know that the Jewish state of Israel blends these values into our destiny as a people. And as American Jews, we support to the fullest and without hesitation the strongest possible alliance between America and Israel.

The moment we now occupy in American history propels us to stand up for American values and Western civilization in a frightening world, a world in which terror, oppression, and evil sometimes find shockingly weak resistance. And the moment we now occupy in Jewish history gives each of us—each of us—an awesome responsibility but a new privilege, really, to stand up and actually do something tangible for the security and future of the Jewish people. And no organization has shouldered this new historical responsibility with more devotion and more skill than AIPAC.

Howard and your staff, Michael and your astonishing lay colleagues, you are amazing. I stand here as chairman of the Conference of Presidents brimming with pride that I can claim to be a close partner of AIPAC and, as a board member, part of AIPAC itself.

There's so many examples of the extraordinary relationship we've helped build between two countries that really are at the top of any correct list of the greatest accomplishments in human history. But I wonder if any proof of the relationship has been more visible and dramatic recently than the cooperation and funding extended to Israel by the American government with respect to the Iron Dome defense, to which those of us who found ourselves in Israel during the Hamas missile attacks in November can bear witness. And I do hope that when Vice President Biden comes to see us shortly, the applause of more than 10,000 pairs of AIPAC hands will express appropriate gratitude.

We have a long way to go in all of our struggles. At every step we fight against an ancient hatred for which delegitimization of Israel is simply the latest proxy. And we fight against lies so huge and outrageous that there's hardly a place to grab on to start responding. The neighborhood America's greatest ally lives in gets scarier by the minute, if such a thing is possible.

But look back 70 years when the Jews in Toulouse would have found themselves profoundly alone, as were the Jews all over Europe. The cup shakes, but it's much more full than empty. America will stay strong. The administration and the great American Congress—the great American Congress—are determined. And AIPAC and the Conference of Presidents and CLAL—Royal will hang together and the cup will keep filling. We will do it because the stakes are so high and because our work is so sacred.

Good morning, AIPAC, and thank you.

AIPAC Tomorrow Campaign: Susan Zises Green

Fri, 08 Mar 2013 16:28:33 -0500

2013 Policy Conference

Fri, 08 Mar 2013 15:12:17 -0500

About AIPAC

Fri, 08 Mar 2013 15:05:56 -0500

Medal of Honor

Fri, 08 Mar 2013 14:56:41 -0500

Children of Sderot

Fri, 08 Mar 2013 14:56:40 -0500

Bipartisanship

Fri, 08 Mar 2013 14:48:42 -0500

Ben-Gurion/Murrow

Fri, 08 Mar 2013 14:48:42 -0500

65 Years of Friendship

Fri, 08 Mar 2013 14:48:41 -0500

Senator Robert Menendez

Fri, 08 Mar 2013 14:41:10 -0500

AS DELIVERED

Good morning. Thank you, Lonnie, for your gracious introduction and above all your support and friendship over many years. And thank you to AIPAC for the warm welcome you have always given me at every event that I have attended. I appreciate your advocacy.

And let me also recognize in the Jersey delegation there are some 500 of you here today. Many of you are here and I know friends like Steve Klinghoffer, Mike Levin and others are leading the way. So again, let's hear it for New Jersey. Thank you for your engagement.

And let me just say to all of you at AIPAC, all who are committed to the strongest possible relationship between the United States and Israel, as I have been throughout my public service career, that I look forward to working with you in my new role as chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. It is one of the Senate's it is one of the Senate's original 10 standing committees and it has helped shape American foreign policy through the complex geopolitics of an ever-changing world.

The committee has helped every American president, from Harry Truman to Barack Obama, protect and defend our fundamental promise to stand with Israel and the Israeli people in a strong and lasting and enduring alliance. And as chairman, I can say without hesitation I will keep that promise as I always have. There will never be any daylight between the United States and Israel on my watch. Never. Not on my watch.

I follow I follow in the footsteps of two great chairman, Secretary of State John Kerry and Vice President Joe Biden, who yesterday stressed in his speech that Israel and the United States have always agreed on the strategic imperative that Israel be able to defend itself. And I couldn't agree more. And I look forward to doing even more to strengthen our commitment to Israel, to share democratic values, to matter what may bloom from the shifting sands of the Arab Spring.

Whatever challenges lay ahead, whatever new threats we face, whether in the form of rockets from Gaza, a nuclear threat from Iran, the spillover of violence from Syria, or the rise of Islamist extremists anywhere in the region, the strength of Israel's democracy will remain a beacon of hope for good governance, economic progress, and the power of an enlightened society to foster democratic ideals.

In my view, the challenges of the 21st century world will require two things. First, we continue to project the wisdom of our democratic ideals everywhere, and the power of our military strength where necessary. Second, we must be fully prepared to adjust our policies and preparedness to the shifting nature of the new threats we will face. Today we see these new threats taking shape from the northwest frontier province of Pakistan, where I just came back from, across Afghanistan to Iran, Iraq, the Middle East, and now increasingly in North Africa.

We heard former Secretary Clinton issue a clear warning to the committee last month of an evolving threat in Mali in North Africa from al-Qaeda and the Islamic Maghreb. She told us that it is more than a terrorist organization; it's a criminal enterprise armed with heavy weapons spreading from a conflict in Libya. The fact is, we need to be ahead of the curve. And as chairman, I intend to keep us ahead of the curve when it comes to the present and future threats to our security.

But even but even in the face of uncertainty and upheaval around the world, I believe that there is room for optimism. Even amongst revolutionary change in the Middle East, the United States-Israel relationship has reached unprecedented levels. Simply put, our two countries' military and security cooperation have never been better. From Egypt to Syria and beyond, we understand that the Arab revolutions have been, at best, a mixed bag for Israel. We cannot help but admire the courage of those willing to risk their lives for universal freedoms and human dignity.

But these revolutions will have been for nothing if they replace secular dictatorships with religious ones. The challenge to the United States is as clear as it is daunting: to forge long-term durable relationships with a more democratic Middle East, instead of relying on authoritarian regimes that may support our interest one day but could be gone the next.

Now, some here in Washington look at the challenges in this new Middle East and advocate disengagement. I strongly disagree. We can't advocate America's interests, including the protection of Israel, from the sidelines. We need to roll up our sleeves and engage in the support of our ideals, our values, and our interests.

And this means engaging with emerging populace, immature political actors, whose views we will undoubtedly at times find objectionable. But these new actors must know that America will never compromise our democratic principles, our commitment to human rights to tolerate political discourse and above all to Israel's security. They must know that very, very clearly.

Hopefully in the long term they can result in the establishment of democracies that increase economic growth everywhere and lead to a peaceful settlement that secures Israel's future and ultimately stabilizes the region. But in the short term, they can threaten the security of the United States and Israel and test our resolve.

We have already seen instability on Israel's borders both in Syria and the Sinai. This turbulence will likely continue for the foreseeable future. But one thing will remain constant: the strong, unshakable, unbreakable, and always rock-solid relationship between the United States and Israel. That relationship is and will always remain a given.

Israel and its adversaries must always know that it will not stand alone in meeting any challenge or any threat to its national security. America must always stand shoulder-to-shoulder with Israel.

Now, recently it has become necessary, as I have found at different times during my 20 years in the Congress, to reaffirm our commitment to Israel in several ways. First, in condemning comments by the Turkish prime minister equating Zionism, the foundation of the Jewish state and the movement for Jewish self-determination with fascism and anti-Semitism and labeling it a crime against humanity.

We are committed to an alliance with Turkey, but we cannot accept such comments as comments that in fact a leader of a country can make about Israel and in the context of its right to exist and its right for self-determination and freedom.

Secondly secondly I reaffirmed with my colleague, Senator Lindsey Graham, our commitment to Israel with the introduction of a bipartisan resolution that simply calls on the United States to stand with Israel and provide diplomatic, military, and economic support to the government of Israel in defense of its territory, its people, and its existence.

There are new challenges that emerge every day in the region. One might say that the first challenge is Israel's relationship with Egypt, which presents a dynamic set of issues for both Israel and the United States. The Camp David Accords have been the cornerstone of 35 years of peace between the two nations. They are essential to maintaining regional stability and Israel's security. The fact is, the United States derives significant security benefits from our ongoing bilateral military and intelligence relationship with Egypt. It has meant close counterterrorism cooperation, privileged access to the Suez Canal, the over-flight rights that are important.

Those of us who have met with senior Israeli officials since the 2011 revolution have heard concerns about the prospect of suspension of American military assistance to Egypt. The November 12th Israeli military operation in Gaza is a reminder of the critical importance of Egypt as a mediator in the Arab world. We should be focusing more of our efforts on keeping Egypt stable by helping a struggling Egyptian economy, which is the context in which I accept Senator Kerry's announcement -- Secretary Kerry's hard to break, you know -- Secretary Kerry's announcement of the weekend pledging $250 million in non-military assistance.

But we must be ever-vigilant in monitoring the situation. American security assistance to Egypt cannot be a blank check. That's why Congress made it abundantly clear in the Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2012 that U.S. assistance to Egypt would be contingent upon upholding its 1979 peace treaty with Israel. That is our bottom line and it will remain our bottom line when it comes to the U.S.-Egypt relationship.

In short, for the good of the region, for the good of Israel, and for our own security interests, we must work with Egypt and help steer it in the right direction. They are an essential partner of the region. It will require patience as Egypt works through a difficult but hopeful time for its people. But we must also make clear in no uncertain terms where our interests lie and what type of actions we cannot and will not accept as we try to move forward. Now, for the prospects for the peace process it has always been my position, as it has been AIPAC's, that we must move towards an acceptable two-state solution.

If we can finally achieve that goal, it will be in Israel's interest; it will be in the Palestinian's interest; it will be in America's interest. And I am hopeful that with the president's upcoming trip to Israel and with the diplomatic skills Secretary Kerry brings to the table, we will not only re-engage and re-connect but we will make real progress towards a two-state solution.

But let's be clear. If we are to get there, it is critical that the Palestinians come back to the negotiating table and stop the stunts, the distractions, and the grandstanding at the United Nations. Unilateral Palestinian action at the United Nations will not work. In fact, it is counterproductive and it fundamentally jeopardizes the Palestinians' relationship with the United States and undermines their own interest.

Let's be clear. Palestinian membership in any U.N. organization, whether it's the IAEA or the World Health Organization or any other U.N. organization could have a ripple effect that will only serve to set back the peace process and potentially do grave damage to America's role in the U.N. system. We must be careful not to allow U.S. engagement on strategic international security and economic issues, like nuclear nonproliferation or intellectual property rights, to be jeopardized by a mercurial Palestinian action at the United Nations.

Frankly, in my view, President Abbas' misguided actions at the U.N. will not help bring peace to the Palestinian people. It will not help restart peace negotiations with Israel. And it will not bring any political advantage to the Palestinian Authority. To create a solid Palestinian state with clear boundaries, there has to be a negotiated settlement with the state of Israel. There must be partners for peace. There are no shortcuts. The only way to achieve a true, lasting peace for the Palestinian people is through comprehensive negotiations and dialogue with the state of Israel.

Now, we cannot standing idly by and allow the Palestinians to evade the peace process by pressing their political cause in a different way, in a back-door approach. Legitimate state-building, the kind that America can energetically support, doesn't happen at the United Nations; it happens with the Palestinians themselves. To keep the peace process moving forward, it's also critical that Egypt and Israel continue to work closely to implement the cease-fire that was agreed to after the November conflict in Gaza.

This means, first and foremost, making certain no more weapons smuggling into Gaza. It must end, period. It threatens Israel and it could lead to a repeated cycle of violence that none of us want to see. Now, I'm optimistic that if we can continue progress on this front between Gaza, economic activity between Gaza and Israel can increase, it can help stabilize the region. And it can directly benefit Israelis and Palestinians and give us reason to be hopeful that progress is possible.

What has also proven to be most effective, and what I consider to be absolutely vital, is our continued security assistance to Israel. That's why I cosponsored the bill authorizing Israel's Iron Dome anti-missile defense system to intercept short-range missiles launched against Israel. It is why I cosponsored the U.S.-Israel Enhanced Security Cooperation Act that will ensure Israel has the defensive and offensive capabilities it needs, when it needs them.

And one more thing. I fully supporting funding the Arrow 3 missile defense interceptor. It is an essential part of Israel's security in the changing dynamic in the region. While Iron Dome has demonstrated the importance of defending Israel from rockets that can be launched from across its border, Arrow 3 allows Israel to defend itself against longer-range missile threats, specifically from Iran. And as chairman, I can assure you I will vigorously support Israeli development of a multi-tiered missile defense system that protects the Israeli people from missiles launched anywhere, any time.

Of course of course, the greatest threat to Israel's security is Iran. It is clear to everyone in this room that there can never be any daylight between the United States and Israel. Not ever. But certainly not when it comes to Iran's drive to achieve nuclear weapons capability. We cannot, we must not, and we will not stand for a nuclear Iran. Period.

Let's put the Iranian threat to Israel and the region in perspective. Some people say this is all about Israel. I say it's about the national interest and security of the United States as well. And Iran with nuclear weapons capability would be emboldened to take more aggressive actions against both Israel and the United States.

Yes, a Shahab 3 missile can hit Israel, but it can also hit a NATO ally. And under our NATO treaty agreement, we are obligated to respond on behalf of any NATO ally. It's already unacceptable and deplorable support for terrorist groups like Hamas and Hezbollah would only increase. Its provocative behavior around one of the world's most important strategic waterways, the Strait of Hormuz, could escalate. And a nuclear Iran could unleash an arms race in the world's most dangerous tinderbox. Clearly, the threat to Israel's existence would increase dramatically and the situation would become far, far more dangerous.

Once we put the extent of the nuclear threat in this context, it is easy to see why we need to be prepared to act. We need to be absolutely clear that it is the unequivocal policy of the United States to do everything in its power to prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear weapon capability. And absolutely clear that we reject policy options designed simply to contain a nuclear-armed Iran. Containment is not an option for the United States.

Any policy built around the containment of a nuclear Iran is unacceptable. Our clear intention must be to prevent Iran from ever reaching nuclear capacity, I should say. One way to prevent that from happening is through the tough sanctions that I have authored and been passed by the Congress with your help and your advocacy. Sometimes I know you wonder whether your advocacy makes a difference. It does.

In fact, over the past year and a half I have authored three pieces of legislation that have imposed the toughest sanctions that Iran has ever faced, sanctions that are now strangling the Iranian economy and have had a real impact on the behavior of those companies and countries that were in bed with the regime. But we must do more to fully implement these sanctions and make absolutely clear to the Iranian government that unless they change their course, their situation will only get worse and economic struggles and economic international isolation will grow.

An indication of how well the sanctions are working is that more than 20 countries, including in the EU, Korea, Singapore, to mention a few, have either stopped purchasing oil from Iran or decreased purchases. And others like Japan who, despite difficult domestic circumstances, have gone further than we expected. And according to the International Atomic Energy entity, Iran's crude oil exports have already dropped a million barrels a day, from 2.5 million barrels a day in 2011 to 1.5 million barrels per day, a cost to Iran of nearly $8 billion in lost revenues every quarter.

Now, not only that, but the Iranian rial has suffered a dramatic devaluation that is now causing major concerns among the powerful merchant class in Iran. Iran's leaders must understand that we will deprive Iran of crude oil revenue that represents 50 to 75 percent of its budget, sanctions so overwhelming that former Secretary Clinton fittingly called these sanctions, that I and my dear friend Senator Mark Kirk authored, the most crippling in world history.

So we should not close the door to further discussions. And I'm hopeful that last week's negotiations between the P5+1 entities and Iran will bring some future progress. But let's be clear. We will not and cannot talk for talking's sake. We cannot allow the negotiations to become just a stalling tactic for Iran to buy time. The P5+1 and the broader international community must unite around a simple message, two simple points: We will never accept a nuclear Iran and you cannot outwait us in that goal.

In my view, these steps taken together will hopefully convince the Iranians that the only option is to give up their nuclear ambitions. Barring verifiable compliance with all security council resolutions and full cooperation with the IAEA, I see no reason, as some are suggesting, to relieve the pressure of any of the sanctions. I see the reason to continue to vigorously enforce them to achieve our goals.

Of course, sanctions are only a means to a clear end. In this case, Iran engaging in serious meaningful, fruitful negotiations that result in an end to its nuclear ambitions. Sanctions are our last peaceful diplomacy too. But we must also make clear, as President Obama has said, that all options are on the table. And I add that those options must be credible, which is why the Graham-Menendez resolution is so important at this time, standing behind Israel and its ability to protect itself and sending that message to the rest of the world.

We cannot know what the future will hold. We do not know what will bloom from the shifting sands of the Arab Spring. But what we do know, what we must understand, is that the United States must be the one to step up to help protect the Israeli people, to have their back, as the president has said. And finally, having Israel's back means fighting back on the efforts to delegitimize the Israeli state.

You know, clearly the Holocaust was the most sinister possible reminder that the Jewish population in exile was in constant jeopardy. It was a definitive argument that anti-Semitism could appear anywhere. And its horrors galvanized international support for the state of Israel. But let's be very clear. While the Shoah has a central role in Israel's identity, is not the reason behind its founding and it is not the main justification for its existence. That extreme characterization of that mistaken view is that Western powers established Israel in 1948 based on their own guilt, at the expense of Arab peoples who live there. Therefore, the current state is illegitimate and should be wiped off, off the face of the map.

This flawed argument is not only in defiance of basic human dignity, but in plain defiance of history. It is in defiance of ancient history, as told in Biblical texts and through archeological evidence. It ignores the history of millennia. Several thousand years of history leads to an undeniable conclusion. The establishment of the state of Israel in modern times is a political reality with roots going back to King David and the time of Abraham and Sarah.

The argument for Israel's legitimacy does not depend on what we say in any speech; it has been made by history. It has been made by the men and women who made the desert green, by Nobel prizes earned, by groundbreaking innovations and enviable institutions, by lives saved, by democracy defended, by peace made, by battle won. There can be no denying the Jewish people's legitimate right to live in peace and security in a homeland to which they have a connection for thousands of years.

We can and must we can and must move forward in our efforts to achieve peace and look for ways to reach agreement between all sides. But we cannot erase the moral distinctions between tyranny and freedom, and we must not edit history. Different people of vastly different backgrounds have peacefully thrived in the Middle East for generations upon generations, and it is our hope that this coexistence can happen once more. Let us pray that it can become so.

You have my hand in friendship and the power of my office to assure it. Shalom. Thank you very much.

House Democratic Whip Steny Hoyer

Fri, 08 Mar 2013 14:41:02 -0500

AS DELIVERED

Thank you very, very much. I am so honored to be here, and when I came in, it was just before the singing of the national anthem and the Hatikvah. What an extraordinary rendition of those two great anthems. And as we all know, The Star Spangled Banner ends with land of the free and the home of the brave. We have just been honored by two of our bravest in America. God bless them.

Frankly, we all know that America and Israel are both free because they too are the home of the brave. I am so pleased to be here with Ken Stumpf and Al Rascon. Al Rascon lives in my district. We are honored by his presence. I want to say how pleased I am to be here with my friend Eric Cantor. As Americans do, we disagree on some things. You may have noticed that. But we do not disagree on Israel, and it's importance to America.

And I was honored to be on the platform with Irene Inouye, an extraordinary United States senator, an extraordinary American. How American it is to have a Japanese-American win the Medal of Honor and be so honored by being the third in line to the presidency. And then what extraordinary courage and fortitude and commitment was represented by that extraordinary United States senator, who although he took halting steps and had been physically affected by his stroke, his heart and his brain told everyone not only that Iran should know he's back, [but] that we know he's back, Mark Kirk.

Now, I saw the dancers, and I thought I might do the Harlem shake. But I've got a pretty good speech here. So -- those are the 2,000 students that are probably rather see the Harlem shake than -- God bless you.

We gather tonight, recognizing that Israel's existence is testimony that faith and courage can triumph even in a cold run of enmity, terror, and constant threat. Israel's history is that of a courageous people's perseverance against injustice from one generation to the next. It is a history Americans understand and look to for inspiration. The state of Israel, though besieged by forces of hatred, intolerance, and extremism has never, never abandoned its founding principles nor lost sight of its historic mission to provide freedom and sanctuary in a democracy for the Jewish people in their ancient homeland.

Some of my proudest moments as a member of Congress were working with many of you to help Soviet Jewry emigrate from behind the Iron Curtain to reach that freedom and security in the land of their ancestors.

As many of you know, in January we lost a dear friend and a passionate advocate in Ambassador Max Kampelman who was instrumental in that effort. I was chairman of the Helsinki commission at the time, and Max was leading the negotiations with the Soviet Union on arms reduction and human rights. Max Kampelman may no longer be with us, but his legacy of linking human rights to international security is a practice that can and must serve us well today. The safety and prosperity of democracies such as Israel, which promote freedom and individual rights, advance the interest of all and advance America's national security interest.

Today we continue to fight for what Israel represents, not just the land but the values that it represents, an outpost of freedom in a region where democracy struggles to take hold with no guarantee of success. From Tahrir Square to Tripoli, from Aiden to Aleppo, America and Israel will remain vigilant and work to ensure that legitimate yearnings for democracy are not high-jacked by extremists.

My friend, Howard Freeman, and I have discussed that on a regular basis. Howard Kohr visits my office with Esther Cruz on a regular basis with my friend Jeffrey Snyder, and we talk about those interests and how we have to hold high not only rhetorically but actually the defense of Israel and of its values. And nowhere must we be more united and vigilant than when facing the threat posed to all of us by Iran.

You and I know that the stakes have never been higher. If there's one lesson we have learned about the Middle East in recent years, it is that nuance is not only not effective, but can be dangerous. We must speak with unambiguous clarity. The United States will not accept a nuclear weapons-abled Iran. They must know our clear intent and firm commitment.

America and Israel cannot leave any uncertainty in the minds of those who describe us as their common foes. Let there be no doubt that it is America's direct interest to keep Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. A nuclear Iran would set off an arms race in the region, pose a clear and present danger to American troops stationed in the Middle East and Europe, not to mention the millions in Israel itself and Israel's very existence. That cannot be allowed to happen.

As nuclear talks with Iran continue still without result, Iran's leaders must understand that these talks cannot go on indefinitely. Let me repeat this point because it is a critical point. The day will come when diplomacy ends, and Iran's leaders will ultimately decide whether it's because they have willingly dismantled their nuclear weapons program or whether they have compelled the free world to do it for them.

The threat from Iran comes not only from its nuclear ambitions but from a long history of state-sponsored terrorism across the globe. A nuclear-armed Iran would be even more aggressive in sponsoring its deadly agents of terror, Hamas and Hezbollah, and proliferating its weapons of mass destruction. Now, there's some who say that Hamas and Hezbollah are simply politicians. Make no mistake. They are terrorists.

Do not sugar coat it. Do not pretend. Be vigilant for that is the price of our freedom. Those in Europe who think differently ought to listen to the defense of one of Hezbollah's agents who was arrested in Cypress scouting areas frequented by Israelis, and he said this. And I quote, “I was just collecting information about Jews. That is what my organization is doing everywhere in the world.” Everywhere in the world.

Surely, surely we have not forgotten the lessons of yesteryear. Surely we have not forgotten the danger posed by those who watch to take us out, Jew and Gentile alike. The threat Hamas and Hezbollah pose to Israel and to the Jewish people is chillingly clear. And so like any sovereign nation, it is Israel's right and indeed its duty, as Prime Minister Netanyahu said last year from this podium, its right to take such step as are necessary and proper to defend itself and its people. It is not only international norms that give Israel that right but the hard lessons of Jewish history.

As my friend Eric Cantor said just a little earlier tonight, Jews in America and throughout the world will open the Passover Haggadah and remember the history with these perennial words, "In every generation there are those who have risen against us." He did not complete that sentence, but the second part of that sentence says, "But the holy one saves us from their hands."

My friends, doing so, however, is not only the work of God but it is the work of our generation. It must continue to strengthen and fortify the relationship between Israel and America for freedom's sake, for value's sake, for justice's sake, for the sake of democracy not just in America and in Israel but all over the world.

My friend Lee Rosenberg and I were talking just a little earlier tonight. I don't know any organization in America who raises high the banner of freedom and democracy and justice more than AIPAC and the Jewish community generally in this country and around the world.

Thanks to the work of AIPAC performs on Capitol Hill, as you will tomorrow, as Howard Kohr says, visiting every United States senator and every member of the House with an extraordinary and compelling message important for them to hear, Congress's support for Israel has endured and grown stronger each year. The bipartisan nature of Congress's support makes is ever more clear to those who would do the Jewish state harm that Israel is here to stay and will never, never, never stand alone, for the interests and commitment of America and Israel are the same.

One direct result of America's commitment to Israel's security we have honored here tonight, Iron Dome. I hope you will again join me and thank again operators of Iron Dome for protecting Israel's communities and its people. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you to the developer, the inventor, and those brave young people who deploy those weapons to protect communities like Sderot and so many others. America's ties with Israel run far deeper than matters of security and state craft.

The United States is relatively a young nation and Israel heir to an ancient birthright. We're both founded on the same values. These are the principles of human dignity and basic justice that first laid out in the Torah and embraced by America's founders. A line connects the wisdom of our shared scripture to the hearts and minds of those who wrote the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and our Bill of Rights.

Jewish history is and always will be intertwined with American history. And from helping to draw back an iron curtain to constructing an Iron Dome, it has been the privilege of my life to work with so many of you to shape that history. I thank you for that.

And with clarity in our common cause, with the courage to pursue our common commitment, we must face our shared challenges with an iron resolve. Such is AIPAC's legacy and our enduring mission to ensure the survival and success of Israel and the safety and security of its people in our generation and for every generation yet to come.

We will be together on that mission. It is the mission of America. It is the mission of Israel. It is the mission of all those in this world who want to see peace and justice prevail.

God bless you in your work. Keep on keeping on. God bless you. Thank you very much. Thank you.

Senate Republican Whip John Cornyn

Fri, 08 Mar 2013 14:40:55 -0500

AS PREPARED

Thanks so much, Roger! As you just heard, Roger accompanied me on my first trip to Israel back in 2002, and he and Linden have become dear friends to my wife, Sandy, and me.

I want to thank Roger, Howard Kohr, Marvin Feuer, and all my other good friends at AIPAC for inviting me to speak here tonight. I'm especially grateful given the latest approval ratings for Congress.

In all seriousness: I understand why many Americans look at Washington, D.C., and shake their heads. It often seems that every single issue has been turned into a political football.

However, I want to assure you, on the issue of U.S. support for Israel, we've been able to maintain an overwhelming bipartisan consensus.

But that should come as no surprise. We all know that the strong support for Israel on Capitol Hill reflects the strong support for Israel in cities, towns, and communities across America. We know that Americans feel a kinship with Israel because our countries share common values, such as liberty, equality, and human rights. America and Israel have stayed true to these values even as we have responded to murderous attacks by some of the most ruthless terrorist organizations on the planet.

I'll just mention a quick anecdote that's always stuck with me: Back in February of 2001—when the Second Intifada was raging, and Palestinians were launching frequent terrorist bombings against Israeli civilians—the famously conservative Ariel Sharon was elected prime minister. Shortly before his government was sworn into office, Sharon addressed the Israeli parliament. And as one news story reported: "He was interrupted several times by heckling from Arab legislators."

Less than a year later, just seven weeks after a Palestinian suicide bomber killed 30 Israelis at a Passover seder, Prime Minister Sharon once again addressed the Israeli parliament—and once again, he was heckled by Arab legislators.

I've always remembered that because it told us something very significant about the nature of Israeli society: Despite the numerous wars that Arab nations have launched against it, and despite living under the constant threat of Arab terrorism, Israel remains a country where Arabs can serve in parliament and heckle the prime minister.

Can anyone in this room imagine Jewish legislators being allowed to heckle a Palestinian prime minister? Me neither. And that, to me, goes a long way toward explaining why Americans stand with Israel.

A few moments ago I mentioned the Second Intifada. My first trip to Israel actually took place at the height of the violence in 2002.

Among other places, we traveled to the site of the Dolphinarium discotheque bombing in Tel Aviv, which killed 21 Israelis, almost all of them teenagers. I remember thinking, "You know, my daughters could've been in that disco," and I'll bet Roger had the same thought, too, about his own daughter. It's something I will never forget.

During our trip, I also had the chance to meet with Ariel Sharon and discuss a wide range of issues related to Israel and the broader Middle East. It was three years later that Prime Minister Sharon made a controversial decision, and perhaps the biggest concession in the history of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict: He unilaterally withdrew all Israeli settlers from the Gaza Strip and also dismantled a number of Israeli settlements on the West Bank.

In many ways, Israel's withdrawal from Gaza offered the Palestinians a test: They would be free to build political, civic, and cultural institutions without any interference from Israeli settlers or Israeli troops. The hope was that Palestinian reformers would seize the moment. Sadly, that is not what happened.

Instead, Gaza has become a terrorist haven run by Hamas; a place where short-range rockets and long-range Iranian missiles have been fired at Israeli civilians; a place where children are indoctrinated in a culture of death; a place where suspected "collaborators" are brutally murdered in the streets.

I realize that some U.S. officials have in the past called for greater "engagement" with Hamas. But a terrorist group that promotes genocidal violence against Israelis and Americans is never going to be reformed by dialogue or concessions. Anyone still harboring illusions about Hamas should consult an August 2012 sermon delivered by one of its senior leaders, the deputy speaker of the Palestinian Legislative Council, who openly prayed for the murder of every single Jew and American on earth.

I don't know how anyone could listen to that sermon and still conclude that Israeli settlements are the biggest obstacle to a Middle East peace agreement. In reality, the biggest obstacle is the lack of a credible negotiating partner on the Palestinian side.

After the 2012 Gaza war and the subsequent United Nations vote on Palestinian statehood, Hamas is more popular and powerful than ever in the Palestinian territories. Meanwhile, Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas continues to posture as a "moderate." But is he, really?

We have to remember that President Abbas is the same man who once published a doctoral dissertation that denied the Holocaust. He is the same man who in September 2011 told the U.N. General Assembly that Israel had been occupying Palestinian land for "63 years." In other words, he believes that the 1948 founding of Israel represented an act of "occupation." Is it any wonder that many Israelis don't trust him?

By the way: According to a 2011 report, Abbas's doctoral dissertation "is the basis for Holocaust studies" in the Palestinian Authority. I find it repugnant that young Palestinians are being fed such poisonous lies in their schools.

I also find it deeply disturbing that the world's number-one state sponsor of terrorism is so close to acquiring a nuclear weapon.

In American politics, we sometimes talk about "game changing" events. Well, if Iran goes nuclear, it could be the ultimate game ender for the Middle East. If you think the region is dangerous now, just wait until Iran triggers a nuclear arms race. Just wait until it blockades the Strait of Hormuz. Just wait until it annexes Iraq. Just wait until it becomes even more aggressive in promoting global terrorism.

In short: Stopping the Iranian pursuit of nuclear weapons is not optional. To paraphrase Margaret Thatcher: There is no alternative.

After all, even without nuclear weapons, the Iranian regime has orchestrated numerous assassinations on foreign soil—including American soil. It has blown up embassies and Jewish community centers in Argentina. It has facilitated the murder of U.S. troops in Lebanon, Iraq, and Afghanistan. And it recently plotted to blow up a crowded restaurant right here in Washington, D.C.

Henry Kissinger famously asked whether Iran was satisfied with being a country or determined to be a cause. I'm afraid the answer is now quite clear: Iran is not content to be a rational state-actor; instead, it seeks to destroy Israel, dominate the Middle East, and fuel anti-Western jihadism.

Our only hope for a peaceful resolution of the Iranian nuclear crisis is to combine debilitating sanctions with the credible threat of military action. The key word in that sentence is "credible." The mullahs will never abandon their nuclear efforts unless they genuinely believe that America is serious about keeping all options on the table.

In order for the United States to maintain credibility with Iran, we must also maintain credibility with Israel.

Just this past week, I helped introduce a Senate resolution that reaffirms both our commitment to defend Israel and our commitment to prevent a nuclear Iran.

As you know, virtually all U.S. aid to Israel is military aid. This aid is critically important to Israeli security, which is why I'm so disappointed that our delivery of F-35 Joint Strike Fighter aircraft keeps getting delayed. The F-35s are remarkably sophisticated planes that will dramatically enhance Israel's security. I've seen these aircraft up close and personal at their assembly line in Fort Worth, Texas, and I'm tremendously proud that my state is doing its part to fortify the U.S.-Israel alliance.

Of course, you can't talk about Israeli security these days without mentioning "Iron Dome," the country's world-class missile-defense system. The 2013 defense-authorization bill, which President Obama signed in early January, includes $211 million dollars in funding for the Iron Dome system. As the Wall Street Journal noted during the recent Gaza war, Iron Dome has "managed to make Tel Aviv and other cities nearly impregnable to missile attacks."

At the same time, Iron Dome is only one element of our bilateral security relationship, and we must continue to expand that relationship, especially given the current volatility in the Middle East. As if Iran weren't a big enough problem, we are now witnessing a deadly civil war in Syria.

Rather than go quietly for the good of his country, Bashar Assad has instead chosen to murder tens of thousands of his own people. Western efforts to arm and support the Syrian rebels have been complicated by uncertainty about their ultimate aims, and also by concerns over WMD. Al-Qaeda and other extremists have joined the fighting, and it would be truly calamitous if they got their hands on a massive stockpile of chemical weapons.

Elsewhere in the Middle East, we see a Muslim Brotherhood leader attempting to create a new dictatorship in Egypt; we see rising sectarian violence in Iraq; and we see a substantial al-Qaeda presence in countries such as Libya and Yemen.

In the face of all these security challenges, the U.S.-Israel alliance remains a symbol of democracy and resilience. It is an alliance based on common values and a common determination to defend freedom against terrorists and dictators alike. Now, more than ever, America needs a strong Israel, and Israel needs a strong America.

Thank you very much.

House Majority Leader Eric Cantor

Fri, 08 Mar 2013 14:40:48 -0500

AS DELIVERED

Thank you. Thank you. Thank you all very, very much. It is a real honor to be here at AIPAC's Policy Conference. It's a particular honor to be here with my good friend and one of Congress's strongest pro-Israel allies that you will hear from in just a minute, Steny Hoyer.

Tonight we celebrate a friendship between two countries, simple in concept but mighty in force. This friendship is centered on commitment to community and dedication to faith. It values education, human progress, and the guarantee of opportunity for all. With this friendship the world is a better place.

The alliance between the United States and Israel is often tested but never shaken. We've helped protect each other. We've helped protect our friends, and we've helped protect humanity. If there is a tsunami, our military and aid ships are the first to set sail. If disease is ravaging a nation, whereas is the case of AIDS in Africa, an entire continent, we send help, and we save lives. Israel shares our moral compass. When massive earthquakes struck Haiti and Turkey, Israel was among the first to offer assistance, and hundreds of Israeli rescue workers responded. They responded to the deadly terrorist attacks in East Africa, saving the lives of Africans injured in the attacks on our America's embassies.

For those of us who visited Israel, you know what a special place it is. You've walked down the Tayelet in Tel Aviv on Thursday afternoon, and you've seen the people leisurely lingering in cafes as the waves of the Mediterranean crash in the background. But for many Americans the only images of Israel that they see are blown out clubs and cafes, missiles firing, death, and tragedy. That in itself is a tragedy. These news stories often miss the beauty and the human element of why our nations care so much for one another. But these stories do serve as a constant reminder of the threat Israel faces and why Israel needs our friendship and needs it now.

Now, Asher Afriat needs no reminders. Asher is a friend to many of us, and he's here tonight. You see Asher owns a travel company in Israel, and he leads many of the AIPAC tours. Several months ago, when rockets were flying over Israel, Asher sent me an e-mail. He was up early in Tel Aviv on his way to pick up some tourists. He saw some young reservists with packed military bags waiting to be picked up.

He yearned to drop everything and jump in the truck with them, but as he drove his favorite radio station was interrupted by code red alerts. A somber mood took over, he wrote. But a few minutes later Asher passed the entrance to the Benjamin Forest, a magnet for mountain bikers and one of his favorite riding places. The parking lot was jam packed with cars and hundreds of bikers coming ready to shred the countryside.

Despite rockets flying, they all came. Asher wrote he could barely stand the urge to pull over and get his own bike out, but he pressed on now with a big smile on his face. And in his e-mail he observed how surreal is this moment, how incomprehensible is this reality we live in. Yet for me that moment of Asher's reflected the true essence of Israel with all its pain and beauty.

Now, we're here together tonight. We're here together people of all faiths to support Israel and support the U.S.-Israel relationship. I want to give special notice to the over 2,000 students who are here with us tonight. And and in particular to all our Christian brothers and sisters who are with us, we salute you, and we thank you for standing with us, standing with Israel. Thank you for standing with us to defend the gift that is Israel.

Israel is a gift to all free-loving people around the world, and the Jewish people know and realize this gift better than anyone. The creation of the modern state of Israel had a special effect on what it means to be a Jew. Before 1948 we Jews often had difficulty defining ourselves publicly, and instead we were defined by stereotypes, the craven hook-nosed man counting money behind closed doors, secretive, untrustworthy.

The caricatures were ugly, and unfortunately, some still linger. But after Israel was created people around the world began to see something else. They saw farmers and warriors and creative souls. They saw innovators, scientists, and chemists giving back to the world and saving lives.

The survival of Israel and what it says about its Jewish and Arab citizens is a bulwark against ever returning to the days of our being the eternal outsider, the wandering Jew. Throughout my entire political life, I've never known a time where I've questioned America's resolve and support for Israel. I've never questioned America's historic support for the little guy against the bully. I've never questioned the role we play as protectors of liberty and defenders of justice until now.

It is only recently where I've begun to worry. I worry that some of our nation's leaders are complacent. I worry that some in Washington think we must retreat to our domestic politics and reduce focus overseas. I worry that in the pursuit of comedy with Israel's foes some will seek distance. I worry that they indeed overlook the gift that is Israel. And I worry that Israelis worry, and these worries are not unfounded. Israel is under attack.

A while back I received a briefing in Israel from one of the engineers of the Iron Dome system. His name was Avi. Avi's presentation was impressive. He demonstrated through slides and video the precision and agility of the anti-rocket defense system. Avi beamed with pride as he explained how countless lives were saved by the Iron Dome technology, how families were spared despite deadly rockets aimed at their homes, how mothers were relieved to see their children safe while sirens wailed at terrorist rockets overhead.

Now, five days later, still in Israel, I met with Avi again. His enthusiasm was gone, and there was pain in his eyes. He spoke with great emotion as he told us of the one rockets that had gotten through. It somehow slipped past the defense system, hitting the town of Batsheva and killing an innocent Israeli. He was tortured by that experience, but Avi went back to work, determined to perfect the system that had already saved countless lives.

Now, the importance of the Iron Dome's capability was driven home again recently during the conflict in Gaza. Make no mistake, the Iron Dome has to be right 100 percent of the time or Israelis die. As important as they are, defensive systems like Iron Dome, David's Sling, and the Arrow are not panaceas. True peace will require an end to Iranian-backed weapons smuggled into Gaza.

True peace will also require a recognition by Hamas and the Palestinians that violence does not help but hurts their cause. And only when Palestinian militants lay down their arms can we hope to achieve peace.

And my message to you tonight is this. Our enemies know that if they divide the United States from Israel, they will defeat Israel, and they will be one step closer to defeating America. That is their goal. That is their mission, and we must not ever, ever let them succeed.

Now, three weeks from tonight we'll be sitting down with our families to celebrate Passover, and the words will read from the Haggadah seem as relevant today as ever, "In every generation they rise against us to destroy us." Just listen to President Ahmadinejad or Ayatollah Khomeini speak anywhere at any time, and their intentions are clear. Iran is a direct and immediate threat to Israel, to our other allies in the region, and to the civilized world.

But some in Washington hold the view that Iran is all bluster, that Iran can be contained and negotiated with, but that impression is wrong. We need to be clear-eyed that the nuclear talks with Iran cannot be unending and that they may fail. We need to recognize that military action against Iran may become necessary to protect America, Israel, and our allies. America must be prepared to lead from the front, and the challenge should not be Israel's alone to bear.

In Syria tens of thousands of people have been brutally and relentlessly slaughtered by an evil dictator intent on massacring his people. Our hearts ache as we see mass graves, all too familiar to us Jews. But Syria is not just a moral challenge. It's a strategic challenge. The United States cannot and should not stand aside and just let the chips fall where they may. We've got to be on the side of those looking to end Assad's tyranny.

We cannot guarantee that those who succeed him will be greater friends to our nation or Israel any more than Assad was. But without action we can guarantee that more innocent lives will be lost. We will have failed to shape the outcome of this conflict, and we will guarantee that Syria's future leaders will not have known the helping hand of America when the Syrian people so desperately needed that help.

Beyond just Syria, the entire Middle East is in an epic state of political transition and uncertainty. The stakes could not be higher. And when there is no American leadership, there is no leadership. Bottom line, Israel's security goes hand in hand with America's security, and America's security depends on freedom and democracy growing and open societies hearing our message. America's security depends on putting a stop to the bullying on the worldwide playground and to all of you here tonight at AIPAC, the future depends on your voice.

It must be heard on Capitol Hill and it must be heard by this administration and it must be heard around this country by the American people. We must now and forever stand with Israel, or we risk losing the great promise of America.

Thank you very much AIPAC. Thank you for all you do. Good night. Thank you.

Assembly Speaker John Perez

Fri, 08 Mar 2013 14:40:01 -0500

AS DELIVERED

Good evening. I'm so honored to join you and I want to thank you for your commitment to AIPAC and the state of Israel.

Events such as these offer us a powerful opportunity to rededicate and reaffirm our steadfast support for the security and prosperity of the people of Eretz Israel, to recognize that Israel represents the culmination of centuries of struggle and hardship, certainly; but more importantly, the realization of the hopes and aspirations of the Jewish people across generations and around the world.

And in an era where Israel faces uncertainty on every front, where a rapidly-changing world brings with it ever-present potential for danger, AIPAC's mission takes on a profound significance. We know that our support does not begin or end with this conference. It is something we must manifest in our daily lives.

The district I'm proud to represent has many such reminders of that commitment. In fact, the Breed Street Shul, which at one point was the largest synagogue on the West Coast, is located in the Boyle Heights neighborhood of East Los Angeles, in the heart of my district.

For nearly a century, the shul has stood as a tradition and a connection to the faith and traditions of the diaspora who settled in California seeking the opportunities that are the birthright of every Californian. And in 1903, my mother's father came to California seeking those same opportunities and my mother grew up in the shadow of the shul.

She developed a personal and powerful connection to the Jewish community in her neighborhood. It was a close-knit community where everyone looked out for everyone else. And it's something that she would carry with her throughout her life as a mother, not just to me and my siblings, but to every person in my community.

Now, if you knew my mother you'd know that she had a saying for everything, often in English, occasionally in Spanish. And as a little boy, when I thought I was being helpful around the house, she'd use one of her favorite sayings: Zolst helfen vi a toiten bankes [Yiddish to English translation: It's completely useless.]

The shul still stands today and it's a reminder of the shared history of our communities. And though it has stood vacant for many years, my mother would be amazed to know that even today it is being rebuilt as a center for education, culture and fellowship, not only for Latinos but for all members of our community. She would be so proud to know that the shul, which was such an important part of the life of her community, will continue to reflect the traditions of service, community and of pride that had been faithfully adhered to for more than five millennia by Jewish people: L'Dor VaDor [Hebrew to English translation: From generation to generation.]

Those traditions, that spirit of community and the obligation to serve the community appeal to be deeply. It's that spirit that called me to public service. And it's that reason that I placed my hand on the tanach to swear my oath of office as an assembly member and ultimately a speaker. That sense of community is so powerful and it's so vividly displayed on the faces across this room.

I've been honored to visit Israel, as so many of you have, and to visit the Western Wall and see the repository of generations of hopes and prayers. And in my travels to places like Ashkelon and Sderot, I've met with the families who live so perilously close to danger and yet whose faith in a brighter future remains as strong as the faith of the Jews who first fled bondage to wander the Sinai in search of the land of milk and honey.

When I visit Israel I'm reminded of Psalm 126, Shir Hama'alot, b'shuv hachem et shivat tziyon hayinu k'chol'mim [Hebrew transliteration]—when God returned us to Zion, we were like a people in a dream.

When I think of Israel, I don't think in terms of allies or trading partners; I think of men and women from every background and from all walks of life who have come together to create something truly unique and special. Not just a haven; not just a refuge, but a home, a fountainhead for progress in a deeply-troubled region of the world; a place where people remind us a daily basis of Psalm 120: I am for peace; but when I speak, they are for war.

I see a nation that embodies a kindred spirit with California and with the United States. And as someone who spent my life fighting for working families, I know that Israel is a land where that same spirit of social justice is given fervent expression. As someone who sees LGBT pride parades as a powerful display of community and acceptance, I'm moved to tears to know that Israel is the only place in the Middle East where that spirit flourishes, where everyone, regardless of their gender, regardless of their sexual orientation is treated equally as defenders of the state and as proud citizens.

And as a proud progressive, I know that Israel is a land of boundless progress, whose commitment to education and empowerment has yielded unparalleled advances in technologies that bring relief to the suffering, health to the sick and opportunities for all; where the poorest and most vulnerable are taken care of by people who respect and reaffirm the spirit of tikkun olam [Hebrew translation: healing the world]. The obligation of us to heal the world, to do acts of loving kindness, and be just and charitable.

I may not be Jewish, but Judaism speaks to me. I may not be Israeli, but Israel's endurance through the decades of war and tribulation speaks to my belief and hope for the future and justice for every person in the world. What I am—thank you.

What I am is a proud supporter of Israel who values the contribution that the Jewish state has made to the life of the world, to the people of California, and certainly to the hopes and aspirations of Jews and non-Jews alike around the world; aspirations of freedom, prosperity and respect. That commitment is powerful and unshakable and it's why so many people from every part of the great tapestry of American life stand with us in solidarity and determination.

We know that Israel has faced many challenges since the yishuv secured independence. And we know that Israel continues to face many challenges today. But it is through our faith in and support of Israel that each of us can be confident that Israel will strive and grow ever-stronger. Thank you.

Israeli Minister of Defense Ehud Barak

Fri, 08 Mar 2013 14:40:01 -0500

AS DELIVERED

Thank you for such a warm welcome. What an indescribable feeling to be surrounded by so many true friends in the capital of the world's greatest democracy.

Members of the administration, members of Congress, distinguished ambassador—especially our ambassador, Michael Oren—Michael, Rosie, Bob, Howard, and Richard, AIPAC board members, members older and young, good evening to you all.

It is your toil and your graft, your unwavering support that keep us safe. I have six humble words for all of you. Thank you, thank you, thank you.

I would like to express my personal appreciation to President Obama and Secretary Panetta for their resolute backing of Israel. History will surely record your immeasurable contribution to the strength of Israel and the maintenance of the truly special relationship between our two peoples. On behalf of the people of Israel I wish Secretary Hagel all the best in his new role. As Secretary of Defense he will no doubt serve his country with the same pride and honor with which he served both on the battlefield and in Congress.

It is great to see so many young activists here. Thank you for your energetic commitment to Israel, a commitment which is so lucidly dictated by the head, yet so deeply underpinned by the heart. Keep it up; you are the future.

It ascends to the rock-solid U.S.-Israel relationship alongside the devotion of the young men and women of the IDF that our capacity to defend ourselves has been guaranteed for years to come. With your support, combined with the ingenuity of our scientists, Israel finds itself at the cutting edge of missile defense technology.

The Iron Dome recently intercepted over 400 incoming terrorist rockets. Practically it's like hitting a bullet with another bullet. And we did it. Just last week we—the United States and Israel—conducted an extremely successful exo-atmospheric test of the Arrow3 interceptor. That's the future of our missile defense.

The state of Israel simply would not be the strong island of stability it is without one crucial constant—you, the United States of America, its people, its leadership, its Congress, and of course, its Jewish community.

It is no secret—and I'll repeat it again—that we live in a tough neighborhood where there is no mercy for the weak and no second chance for those who cannot defend themselves. Israel is the strongest country in the region and the only genuinely open democracy.

An unprecedented geopolitical earthquake in the last three years has shattered the generations-old regional order. There are two clear lessons and one insight which I have drawn from this period. Number one: be modest with predictions, especially about the future. Take Egypt as an example. Mubarak was unable to predict it. Who did? Who thinks they could?

Number two: When friends tell me, "Don't worry, if worse comes to worst, the world will step forward and act," my answer is, "Do not take this for granted." Look at Syria. You don't need classified intelligence. It's on your screens. Assad's jet fighters, tanks and artillery are slaughtering his own citizens; over 70,000 Syrians killed. Yet still there is no sense of direction and no political will to act. There is an extremely, extremely relevant lesson here, especially for all of us in Israel, and an insight.

Many believe that the root cause for all the problems in the Middle East is our inability to solve the conflict with the Palestinians. Well, I say that's not true. Recent developments in the Middle East have been far beyond our control and independent of our deeds. Even if a peace agreement with the Palestinians had been signed and sealed a long time ago, the Muslim Brotherhood would still have come to power in Egypt; Syria would still be mired in a bloody civil war; and Iran would still be pursuing nuclear capabilities and the hegemonic[al] role in the Gulf.

And ladies and gentlemen, it is Iran's pursuit of nuclear capabilities which is the greatest challenge facing Israel, the region, and the world today. A nuclear Iran spells the end of any conceivable nonproliferation regime. Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and later, Egypt will follow suit. In future, even terrorist groups may try. Diplomatic efforts are unprecedented and sanctions are both unprecedented and hurting.

But frankly, while exhausting all diplomatic means is understandable, I do not believe it will lead to a moment of truth where the ayatollahs will give up their nuclear aspirations. Therefore, all options must remain on the table. We have stated this time and again and we expect all those who say it to mean it. Ladies and gentlemen, we mean it. And let me repeat it: We mean it.

A nuclear Iran is the most imminent and acute danger to the stability of the entire region, but it is not the only one. Radical Islamist terror is spreading rapidly, and the accumulation of missiles and rockets will necessitate regional missile defense. So what is to be done? It is an interregnum right now in Israel. The new Netanyahu government will have to shape its approach.

But allow me just before I leave my post to share with you my positions. The Middle East is a gestalt. Everything depends on everything else. Facing this array of threats, we have to, firstly, start building a regional security framework. This should be built around the common challenge of radical Islamist terror, border security, missile defense, and of course, Iran. And being led by the United States it could provide a variety of synergies for all its regional participants.

Secondly, we need a direct peace initiative vis-à-vis the Palestinians. A two-state solution is the only viable long-term solution. It is a compelling imperative for us in order to secure our identity and our future as a Jewish and democratic state. It is not a favor for the Palestinians. Believe me, I've tried hard as prime minister, together with President Clinton, so I know from personal experience that the Palestinians are not easy partners for peace.

Prime Minister Netanyahu has taken courageous steps to renew the process, including an unprecedented settlement freeze. But still from the Palestinian side, no proper response. They clearly bear most of the responsibility for past failures. And I know a fully-fledged agreement is probably not feasible today. But if this is the case and only a sincere effort can determine this, we have to try and achieve a reasonable, fair interim agreement.

I strongly believe this is possible while guaranteeing all our security and vital interests. But if even interim agreement is unobtainable, then we should consider unilateral steps in order to place a wedge on this extremely dangerous slippery slope towards a bi-national state.

It involves demarcating a line within the land of Israel within which we will have the settlement blocs and the solid Jewish majority for generations to come, as well as setting security arrangements and a solid Israeli long-term military presence along the River Jordan. Rest assured, our security should not and will not be compromised under any of these alternatives. Tough decisions must be taken, but it is possible. And as our sages teach us, if not now, when?

I strongly believe in this intertwined strategic triangle. First, the regional security framework; second, a reinvigorated political process with the Palestinians; and third, tackling Iran. This triangle is the most effective approach to deal with the challenges on our horizon.

Israel is also being experiencing its own tremors of change. In the summer of 2011 the people of Israel took to the streets, demanding a more equal allocation of the burden. Just last month, 53 new fresh members of the Knesset were sworn in, and about half of the serving members of the Knesset—present company included—were out. That is what I call democracy in action; a democracy I am proud of, a democracy you can be proud of. I'm confident that Prime Minister Netanyahu will lead his new government with the same dedication and responsibility which he led the last one.

Ladies and gentlemen, I was born 71 years ago at the height of World War II. The Nazi crematoria in Europe were working day and night. And now in 2013, I'm ending my tenure as the minister of defense of a strong, independent Jewish state. Look at what we as a nation has achieved. Who would have believed it then? Today we have an agile and adaptive high-tech and export-oriented economy. A start-up culture flourishes on an eruption of talent and an underlying entrepreneurial spirit.

I'm optimistic, and my vision for Israel is clear. A strong, self-confident, thriving Jewish democratic state, living in peace and security with its neighbors; an exemplary state and world leader in science, technology, education, and culture; a country in which our children will want to live and your children will be proud of.

Ladies and gentlemen, we are at a decisive juncture in our history. As President Kennedy noted during the Cuban missile crisis, "The paths we chosen for the present is full of hazards, as all paths are, but it the one most consistent with our character and courage as a nation." I believe we possess the character as a nation to make those tough decisions for the future, peace, and security of the state of Israel.

Please allow me to end with the millennia-old blessing, Hashem 'oz le' ammo yittein, Hashem yevareikh et-ammo vashalom [transliteration]—May the Lord bestow his people with courage, and may the Lord bless his people with peace. Thank you all.

Announcer: On your previous visit to the United States you were bestowed our country's highest honor, the civilian defense honor, the Distinguished Public Service award. Today I have the great privilege of honoring you with AIPAC's own award for your friendship, your commitment, and all the work you have done to solidify the U.S.-Israel strategic relationship. I would like to present you with this shofar. As you know, the shofar represents a call to action for our people. And time and time again, you have heeded that call unlike any other.

It is my honor to present this to you and thank you for all your years of working with the United States to solidify the bonds that bind these two strategic allies together. Thank you so much.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu

Fri, 08 Mar 2013 14:40:01 -0500

AS DELIVERED

Thank you very much. Thank you, Rosie and thank you, Howard, Michael, Robert—all the leadership of AIPAC. Thank you for everything you do to strengthen the great alliance between Israel and the United States of America. Let me say a special hello to my friend, Vice President Biden. He just spoke there and I have to say that I've learned over the years so much from Joe.

I want to thank him for his—(audio break)—families are about from Joe Biden. I learned about his father.

I learned that his background and ours are so similar, deeply grounded in values and I just heard those values expressed. I want to also recognize, and I'm sure you'll all join me in recognizing, Defense Minister Barak who I've sent to represent Israel in the AIPAC conference. Ehud, I want to thank you for the years of service for Israel's security. Thank you, Ehud.

And I want to recognize Ambassadors Oren and Prosor, Michael and Ron. Thank you, both for the for the terrific service you're doing for Israel every day. And finally, I want to thank all of you who have come from far and wide to be here today to express your support for Israel. Well, as you know, I was hoping to speak to you in person, but unfortunately, I had to stay in Israel to do something a lot more enjoyable, putting together a coalition government.

What fun. If I can offer a free piece of advice, don't adopt Israel's system of government. You know, every system has its pluses and minuses, but believe me, it's a lot easier finding common ground between two parties than it is to find common ground among 10 parties. You think you have a difficulty working out your politics; believe me, this is harder. But despite the difficulties, I intend to form a strong and stable government in the days ahead. And the first thing that my new government will have the privilege of doing is to warmly welcome President Obama to Israel.

I look forward to the President's visit. It will give me an opportunity, along with the people of Israel, to express our appreciation for what he has done for Israel. The President and I agreed to focus our discussions on three main issues. First, Iran's pursuit of nuclear weapons. Second, the deteriorating situation in Syria. And third, the need to find a responsible way to advance the peace with the Palestinians.

Now, on the first point, Iran has made it clear that it will continue to defy the will of the international community. Time after time, the world's leading powers have tabled diplomatic proposals to resolve the Iranian nuclear issue peacefully, but I have to tell you the truth, diplomacy has not worked. Iran ignores all these offers. It's running out the clock. It has used negotiations, including the most recent ones, to buy time to press ahead with its nuclear program.

So thus far the sanctions have not stopped the nuclear program either. Sanctions have hit the Iranian economy hard, that is true, but Iran's leaders, they just grit their teeth and they move forward. Iran enriches more and more uranium, it installs faster and faster centrifuges. It's still not crossed the red line I drew with the United Nations last September, but Iran is getting closer to that red line and it's putting itself in a position to cross that line very quickly once it decides to do so.

Ladies and gentlemen, to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons we cannot allow Iran to cross that red line. We have to stop its nuclear enrichment program before it's too late. And I have to tell you, from the bottom of my heart and with the clarity of my brain, words alone will not stop Iran. Sanctions alone will not stop Iran. Sanctions must be coupled with a clear and credible military threat if diplomacy and sanctions fail.

I deeply appreciate something that President Obama has said repeatedly, you've just heard Vice-President Biden say it again, "Israel must always be able to defend itself, by itself against any threat to its existence." The Jewish people know the cost of being defenseless against those who would exterminate us. We will never let that happen again.

You know, Joe Biden described his meeting with Golda Meir. She said to him, "Our secret weapon is we have no other place to go." Well, we have our place under the sun. And ladies and gentlemen, we shall defend it. The rebirth of Israel is one of the greatest events in history. I think Churchill said that it transcends generations, it transcends centuries. He said it is significant in the perspective of thousands of years. We never lose sight of that perspective. We shall always defend the one and only Jewish state.

The second issue I intent to discuss with President Obama is the situation in Syria. Now, over the last two years over 70,000 Syrians have been killed. Hundreds of thousands have been wounded and maimed. Millions have been forced to flee their homes. Besides this humanitarian crisis of great tragedy, Syria could soon become a strategic crisis, one of monumental proportions. You see, Syria is a very poor country, but it has chemical weapons, antiaircraft weapons and many other of the world's most deadly and sophisticated arms.

And as the Syrian regime collapses, the danger of these weapons falling into the hands of terrorist groups is very real, terror groups, such as Hezbollah and al-Qaeda are trying to seize these weapons as we speak. You know, they're like a pack of hyenas feeding off a carcass and the carcass isn't even dead yet. These terror groups are committed to Israel's destruction. They've repeatedly attacked the United States.

They're global terrorist organizations that can perpetrate terror attacks anywhere in the world. You've just seen that in Cyprus and Bulgaria everywhere. This is why we have a common interest in preventing them from obtaining these deadly weapons. I know that here too, President Obama fully appreciates Israel's need to defend itself and I look forward to discussing with him ways to address this challenge to our common security.

The third issue I intend to discuss with President Obama is our common quest for peace. Israel seeks a peace with our Palestinian neighbors, a peace that will end our conflict once and for all. Now, that peace must be grounded in reality and it must be grounded in security. Israel withdrew from Lebanon, we withdrew from Gaza, we gave up territory, we got terror. We cannot allow that to happen a third time. Israel is prepared for a meaningful compromise, but as Israel's prime minister I will never compromise on our security.

We must work together to find a realistic path forward and I think that path has to be a measured, step-by-step process in which we work to advance a verifiable, durable and defensible peace. It has to be defensible, because in the Middle East, especially in this Middle East, a peace you cannot defend will not hold for five minutes. It has to be verifiable, because as we move from one step to the other we have to make sure that we cannot only defend ourselves, but also that our neighbors are actually telling their people, educating their children to live in peace. This is something we desperately want. We yearn for peace, we pray for peace and with President Obama we shall work for peace.

I look forward to discussing with President Obama, when he comes here later this month, all these issues. But in addition, I'll have a chance to show President Obama a different side of Israel, Israel that has become a technological marvel, its teaming with innovation. Israel that each day pushes the boundaries of medicine and science to the ends of human imagination.

Israel that has one of the world's most vibrant cultures and one of the world's most dynamic peoples. Israel, the modern Jewish state living in the ancient Jewish homeland, an oasis of liberty and progress in the heart of the Middle East where these ideas have yet to take root. That is the Israel that all of you know.

That is the Israel that all of you love. That is the Israel that so many Americans love and that is the Israel that will never stop standing shoulder-to-shoulder with a country that has been the greatest force for good the world has ever known, the United States of America. God bless America God bless Israel and God bless the American-Israeli alliance.

God bless you all. Thank you.

Videos & Speeches

Fri, 08 Mar 2013 12:33:22 -0500

Speeches

Thu, 07 Mar 2013 10:17:39 -0500

Tuesday Morning Session

Wed, 06 Mar 2013 23:24:21 -0500

Monday Night Gala

Wed, 06 Mar 2013 23:24:10 -0500

Vice President Joe Biden

Mon, 04 Mar 2013 15:12:52 -0500

AS DELIVERED

Thank you, Mr. President. It's great to be here. It's great to be here. Hey, Gaby. Ladies and gentlemen, oh, what a difference 40 years makes. I look out there and see an old friend, Annette Lantos. Annette, how are you? Her husband Tom Lantos, a survivor, was my assistant, was my foreign policy advisor for years, and Tom used to say all the time, Joe—he talked that Hungarian accent—Joe, we must do another fundraiser for AIPAC. I did more fundraisers for AIPAC in the '70s and early '80s than just about [as many as] anybody. Thank God you weren't putting on shows like this. We would have never made it. We would have never made it.

My Lord, it's so great to be with you all and great to see you. Mr. President, thank you so much for that kind introduction and President-elect Bob Cohen, the entire AIPAC Board of Directors. I'm delighted to be with you today, but I'm particularly delighted to be with an old friend, and he is an old friend. We use that phrase lightly in Washington, but it's real. And I think he'd even tell you. Ehud Barak, it's great to be with you. Great to be with you. There is a standup guy. There is a standup guy. Standing up for his country, putting his life on the line for his country and continuing to defend the values that we all share. I'm a fan of the man. Thanks for being here, Ehud. Good to be with you again.

Ladies and gentlemen, a lot of you know me, if you're old enough. Some of you don't know me, and understand I can't see now, but in the bleachers of either side I'm told you have 2,000 young AIPAC members here. We've talked about this a lot over the years. We've talked about it a lot. This is the life blood. This is the connective tissue. This is the reason why no American will ever forget. You got to keep raising them.

Ladies and gentlemen, we've stood shoulder to shoulder, a lot of us, [in] this auditorium defending the legitimate interest of Israel and our enduring commitment over the last 40 years. And many of you in this hall—I won't start to name them, but many of you in this hall, starting with Annette Lantos's husband who is not here, God rest his soul, many in this hall have been my teachers, my mentors, and my educators, and that is not hyperbole. You literally have been, but my education started, as some of you know it, at my father's dinner table.

My father is what you would have called a "righteous Christian." We gathered at my dinner table to have conversation and, incidentally, eat as we were growing up. It was at that table I first heard the phrase. It is overused sometimes today but, in a sense, not used meaningfully enough. First, I heard the phrase, "never again." It was at that table that I learned that the only way to ensure that could never happen again was the establishment and existence of a secure Jewish state of Israel.

I remember my father. I remember my father, a Christian, being baffled at the debate taking place at the end of World War II, talking about it. I don't remember it at that time, but about how there could be debate about whether or not, within the community, of whether or not to establish the state of Israel. My father would say, were he a Jew, he would never, never entrust the security of his people to any individual nation, no matter how good and how noble it was, like the United States.

Everybody knows it's real, but I want you to know one thing, which some of you—I've met with a lot of you over the last 40 years but the last four years as well. President Obama shares my commitment. We both know that Israel faces new threats, new pressures, and uncertainty. The defense minister and I discussed it often. In the area of national security, the threats to Israel's existence continue, but they have changed as the world and the region have changed over the last decade.

The Arab Spring, once full of both hope and uncertainty, has required Israel and the United States to reassess old and settled relationships. Iran's dangerous nuclear weapons program and its continued support of terrorist organizations like Hezbollah and Hamas not only endanger Israel but endanger the world. Attempts of much of the world to isolate and delegitimize the state of Israel are increasingly common, and taken as the norm in other parts of the world.

All these pressures are similar but different, and they put enormous pressure on the state of Israel. We understand that, and we especially understand that if we make a mistake, it's not a threat to our existence. But if Israel makes a mistake, it could be a threat to its very existence. And that's why that's why from the moment the president took office he has acted swiftly and decisively to make clear to the whole world and to Israel that even if circumstances have changed, one thing has not: our deep commitment to the security of the state of Israel. That has not changed. That will not change as long as I and he are president and vice president of the United States. It's in our naked self-interest beyond the moral imperative.

And all of you, I thank you for continu[ing] to remind the nation and the world of that commitment. And while we may not always agree on tactic—and I've been around a long time—I've been there for a lot of prime ministers. We've always disagreed on tactic. We've always disagreed at some point or another on tactic. But ladies and gentlemen, we have never disagreed on the strategic imperative that Israel must be able to protect its own, must be able to do it on its own, and we must always stand with Israel to be sure that can happen. And we will. That's why that's why we work so hard to make sure Israel keeps its qualitative edge in the midst of the Great Recession.

I've served with eight presidents of the United States of America, and I can assure you unequivocally no president has done as much to physically secure the state of Israel as President Barak Obama. President Obama last year requested $3.1 billion in military assistance for Israel, the most in history. He has directed close coordinations strategically and operationally between our government and our Israeli partners, including our political military and intelligence leadership. I can say with certitude in the last eight presidents, I don't know any time, Ehud, when there ha[ve] been as many meetings, as much coordination between our intelligence services and our military. Matter of fact, they're getting tired of traveling back across the ocean I think.

Under this administration we've held the most regular and largest ever joint military exercises. We've invested $275 million in Iron Dome, including $70 million that the president directed be spent last year on an urgent basis to increase the production of Iron Dome batteries and interceptors. Not long ago, not long ago, I would have had to describe to an audience what Iron Dome was, how it would work, why funding it mattered. I don't have to explain to anybody anymore. Everybody gets it. Everybody saw. The world saw firsthand why it was and remains so critical.

For too long when those sirens blared in the streets of the cities bordering Gaza, the only defense had been a bomb shelter. But late last year Iron Dome made a difference. When Hamas rockets rained on Israel, Iron Dome shot them out of the sky, intercepting nearly 400 rockets in November alone. It was our unique partnership, Israel and the United States, that pioneered this technology and funded it, and it is in that same spirit that we're working with Israel to jointly develop new systems called Arrow and David's Sling, interceptors that can defeat long-range threats from Iran, Syria, and Hezbollah equally as urgent.

And we are working to deploy a powerful new radar networked with American early warning satellites that could buy Israel valuable time in the event of an attack. This is what we do. This is what we do to ensure Israel can counter and defeat any threat from any corner. But that's only the first piece of this equation. Let me tell you—and I expect I share the view of many of you who have been involved with AIPAC for a long time.

Let me tell you what worries me the most today, what worries me more than any time in the 40 years I've been engaged, any different than any time in my career. And that is the wholesale seemingly coordinated effort to delegitimize Israel as a Jewish state. That is the single most dangerous pernicious change that has taken place, in my humble opinion, since I've been engaged.

And, ladies and gentlemen, it matters. It matters. To put it bluntly, there is only one nation, only one nation in the world that has unequivocally, without hesitation, and consistently confronted the efforts to delegitimize Israel. At every point in our administration, at every juncture we've stood up on behalf of the legitimacy of the state of Israel. President Obama has been a bulwark against those insidious efforts at every step of the way.

Wherever he goes in the world, he makes clear that although we want better relations with Muslim majority countries, Israel's legitimacy and our support for it is not a matter of debate. There is no light. It is not a matter of debate. It's simple, and he means it. It is not a matter of debate. Don't raise it with us. Do not raise it with us. It is not negotiable.

As recently as recently as last year the only country on the United Nations Human Rights Council to vote against—I think it's 36 countries. Don't hold me to the exact number, but the only country on the Human Rights Council of the United Nations to vote against the establishment of a fact finding mission on settlements was the United States of America. We opposed the unilateral efforts of the Palestinian Authority to circumvent direct negotiations by pushing for statehood and multilateral organizations like UNESCO.

We stood strongly with Israel and its right to defend itself after the Goldstone Report was issued in 2009. While the rest of the world, including some of our good friends, was prepared to embrace the report, we came out straightforwardly and expressed our concerns and with recommendations. When Israel was isolated in the aftermath of the Gaza flotilla in 2010, I was in Africa. We spent a lot of time on the phone, Ehud, the defense minister and I. And Bibi and I spent a lot of time on that phone with my interceding going to the United Nations directly by telephone, speaking with the secretary general, making sure that one thing was made clear. Israel had the right to impose that blockade.

Ladies and gentlemen that's why that's why we refused to attend events such as the 10th anniversary of the 2001 world conference on racism that shamefully equated Zionism with racism. That's why we rejected anti-Semitic rhetoric from any corner and from leaders of any nation. And that's why I'm proud to say, my friend, the new secretary of state, John Kerry, spoke out against that kind of language in Ankara just this Friday. By the way he's a good man. You're going to be happy with Kerry.

And it was in the strongest terms that we vigorously opposed the Palestinian bid for non-member observer status in the general assembly, and we will continue to oppose any efforts to establish a state of Palestine through unilateral actions. There is no shortcut to peace. There is no shortcut to face-to-face negotiations. There is no shortcut to guarantees made looking in the eyes of the other party.

Ladies and gentlemen, Israel's own leaders currently understand the imperative of peace. Prime Minister Netanyahu, Defense Minister Barak, President Peres, they've all called for a two-state solution in an absolute secure democratic and Jewish state of Israel to live side by side with independent Palestinian state. But it takes two to tango, and the rest of the Arab world has to get in the game. We're under no illusions about how difficult it will be to achieve.

Some, even some of you in the audience, said, why do we even talk about it anymore? Well, it's going to require hard steps on both sides, but it's in all of our interest—Israel's interest, the United States' interest, the interest of the Palestinian people—we all have a profound interest in peace. So to use an expression of a former president, Bill Clinton, we've got to get caught trying. We've got to get caught trying.

So we remain we remain deeply engaged. As President Obama has said, while there are those who question whether this goal may ever be reached, we make no apologies for continuing to pursue that goal, to pursue a better future. And he'll make that clear when he goes to Israel later this month. We're also mindful that pursuing a better future for Israel means helping Israel confront the myriad of threat it faces in the neighborhood. It's a tough neighborhood, and it starts with Iran.

It is not only in Israel's interest and everybody should understand—I know you understand this, but the world should—it's not only in Israel's interest that Iran does not acquire a nuclear weapon. It's in the interest of the United States of America. It's simple. And as a matter of fact it's in the interest of the entire world. Iran's acquisition of a nuclear weapon not only would present an existential threat to Israel. It would present a threat to our allies and our partners and to the United States, and it would trigger an arms race, a nuclear arms race in the region, and make the world a whole lot less stable.

So we have a shared strategic commitment. Let me make clear what that commitment is. It is to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon. Period. Period. End of discussion. Period. Prevent. Not contain. Prevent. The president has flatly stated that. And as many of you in this room have heard me say—and he always kids me about this—we'll be in the security room, and I know that Debbie Wasserman Schultz knows this because she hears it. He always says—he'll turn to other people and say, as Joe would say. He[‘ll say]-- as Joe would say, big nations can't bluff. Well, big nations can't bluff, and presidents of the United States cannot and do not bluff. And President Barak Obama is not bluffing. He is not bluffing.

We are not looking for war. We are looking to and ready to negotiate peacefully. But all options, including military force, are on the table. But as I made clear at the Munich security conference just last month, our strong preference, the world's preference, is for a diplomatic solution. So while that window is closing, we believe there is still time and space to achieve the outcome. We are in constant dialogue, sharing information with the Israeli military, the Israeli intelligence service, Israeli political establishment at every level. And we're taking all the steps required to get there, but I want to make clear to you something.

If, God forbid, the need to act occurs, it is critically important for the whole world to know we did everything in our power. We did everything that reasonably could have been expected to avoid any confrontation. That matters because, God forbid, if we have to act, it's important that the rest of the world is with us. We have a united international community. We have a united international community behind these unprecedented sanctions.

We have left Iran more isolated than ever. We came to office, as you remember, not because of the last administration—just a reality. Iran was on the ascendancy in the region. It is no longer on the ascendancy. The purpose of this pressure is not to punish. It is to convince Iran to make good on its international obligations. Put simply, we are sharpening the choice that the Iranian leadership has to make. They can meet their obligations and give the international community ironclad confidence in a peaceful nature of their program, or they can continue down the path they're on to further isolate—and mounting pressure of the world.

But even preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon still leaves them a dangerous neighbor, particularly to Israel. They are using terrorist proxies to spread violence in the region and beyond the region, putting Israelis, Americans, citizens of every continent in danger. For too long Hezbollah has tried to pose as nothing more than a political and social welfare group while plotting against innocents in Eastern Europe, from Eastern Europe to East Africa, from Southeast Asia to South America. We know what Israel knows. Hezbollah is a terrorist organization. Period. And we are urging every nation in the world that we deal with—and we deal with them all—to start treating Hezbollah as such and naming them as a terrorist organization.

This isn't just about a threat to Israel and the United States. It's about a global terrorist organization that has targeted people on several continents. We'll say and we'll do our part to stop them, and we ask the world to do the same. That's why we've been talking to our friends in Europe to forcefully declare Hezbollah a terrorist organization. This past month I've made the case to European—leading European heads of state, as Barak and Israelis know, together. We have to continue to confront Hezbollah wherever it sows the seeds of hatred and stands against the nations that sponsor campaigns of terror.

Ladies and gentlemen, the United States and Israel have a shared interest in Syria as well. Assad has shown his father's disregard for human life and dignity, engaging in brutal murder of his own citizens. Our position on that tragedy could not be clearer. Assad must go. But we are not signing up for one murderous gang replacing another in Damascus. That's why that's why our focus is on supporting a legitimate opposition not only committed to peaceful Syria but to a peaceful region. That's why we're carefully vetting those to whom we provide assistance.

That's why, while putting relentless pressure on Assad and sanctioning the pro-regime Iranian backed militia, we've also designated al-Nusra front as a terrorist organization. And because we recognize the great danger of Assad's chemical and biological arsenals posed to Israel and the United States to the whole world, we've set a clear red line against the use of the transfer of those weapons. And we will work together to prevent this conflict and these horrific weapons from threatening Israel's security.

And while we try to ensure an end to the dictatorship in Syria, we have supported and will support a genuine transition to Egyptian democracy. We have no illusions. We know how difficult this will be and how difficult it is. There's obviously been a dramatic change in Egypt. A lot of it has given us hope and a lot of it has given us pause and a lot of it has caused fears in other quarters.

It's not about us, but it profoundly affects us. We need to be invested in Egypt's success and stability. A stable, successful Egypt will translate into a stable region. We're not looking at what's happening in Egypt through rose-colored glasses. Again, our eyes are wide open. We have no illusions about the challenges that we face, but we also know this. There's no legitimate alternative at this point to engagement.

Only through engagement—it's only through engagement with Egypt that we can focus Egypt's leaders on the need to repair international obligations, respect international obligations, including and especially its peace treaty with Israel. It's only through active engagement that we can help ensure that Hamas does not rearm through the Sinai and put the people of Israel at risk. It's only through engagement that we can concentrate Egypt's government on the imperative of confronting extremists. And it's only through engagement that we can encourage Egypt's leaders to make reforms that will spark economic growth and stabilize the democratic process. And it's all tough, and there's no certainty. There's no certitude about anything in the Arab Spring.

I expect President Obama to cover each of these issues in much greater detail. I've learned one thing, as I was telling the president. I learned it's never a good idea, Ehud, to steal the president's thunder. It's never a good idea to say what he's going to say the next day. So I'm not going to go into any further detail on this. But much greater detail he will discuss this when he goes to Israel later this month just before Passover begins.

I have to admit I'm a little jealous that he gets to be the one to say, "this year in Jerusalem," but I'm the vice president. I'm not the president. So I when I told him that, I'm not sure he thought I was serious or not. But anyway as will come as no surprise to you, the president and I have—not only are partners, we've become friends, and he and I have spoken at length about this trip. And I can assure you he's particularly looking forward to having a chance to hear directly from the people of Israel and beyond their political leaders and particularly the younger generation of Israelis.

And I must note, I must note just as I'm getting the chance to speak to 2,000 young American Jews involved and committed to the state of Israel and the relationship with the United States, he's as anxious to do what I got a chance to do when I was there last, Ehud, with you as you flew me along the line. I got to go to Tel Aviv University to speak to several thousand young Israelis.

The vibrancy, the optimism, the absolute commitment is contagious, and he's looking forward to seeing it and feeling it and tasting it. The president looks forward to having conversations about their hopes and their aspirations, about their astonishing world leading technological achievements, about the future they envision for themselves and for their country, about how different the world they face is from the one their parents faced, even if many of the threats are the same.

These are really important conversations for the President to have and to hear, and for them to hear. These are critically important. I get kidded again, quote, Debbie. She kids me sometimes. Everybody's quotes—democrats, republicans quote Tip O'Neill saying, "all politics is local." With all due respect, Lonnie, I think that's not right. I think all politics is personal, and I mean it. All politics is personal. It is building personal relationships and trust and exposure, talking to people that really matters, particularly in foreign policy.

So, ladies and gentlemen, let me end where I began, by reaffirming our commitment to the state of Israel. It's not only a long-standing moral commitment. It's a strategic commitment. An independent Israel, secure in its own borders, recognized by the world is in the practical strategic interest of the United States of America. I used to say when I—Lonnie was president I used to say, if there were no Israel, we'd have to invent one.

Ladies and gentlemen, we also know that it's critical to remind every generation of Americans, as you're doing with your children here today—it's critical to remind our children, my children, your children. That's why the first time I ever took the three of my children separately to Europe, the first place I took them was Dachau. We flew to Munich and went to Dachau, the first thing they ever did, as Annette will remember, because it's important that all our children and grandchildren understand that this is a never-ending requirement. The preservation of an independent Jewish state is the ultimate guarantor. It's the only certain guarantor of freedom and security for the Jewish people in the world.

That was most pointedly pointed out to me when I was a young senator making my first trip to Israel. I had the great, great honor—and I'm not—that is not hyperbole—of getting to meet for the first time and subsequently I met her beyond that, Golda Meir. She was the prime minister. Now, I'm sure every kid up there said, you can't be that old, Senator. I hope that's what you're saying.

But seriously, the first trip I ever made. And you all know those double doors. You just go into the office, and the blond furniture and the desk on the left side, if my memory serves me correctly, and Golda Meir, as a prime minister, as the defense minister, she had those maps behind her that you could pull down all those maps like you had in geography class in high school. And she sat behind her desk and I sat in the chair in front of her desk and a young man was sitting to my right who was her assistant. His name was Yitzhak Rabin. Seriously. Absolutely true story.

And she sat there chain-smoking and reading letters to me, letters from the front of the Six-Day War. She read letters and then told me how this young man or woman had died and missed their family. And this went on for I don't know how long. And I guess she could tell I was visibly moved by this, and I was getting depressed about it. Oh, my God, and she suddenly looked at me and said—and I give you my word as a Biden that she looked at me and she said, Senator, would you like a photo opportunity?

And I looked at her. I said, well, yes, Madame Prime Minister. I mean, I was—and we walk out those doors and we walked out the door. As we stood there, no statements. And we're standing next to one another looking at this array of media, television and photo journalists take snapping pictures. We're looking straight ahead. Without looking at me, she speaks to me. She said, Senator, "Don't look so sad." She said, "We have a secret weapon. We have a secret weapon in our confrontation in this part of the world." And I thought she was about to lean over and tell me about a new system or something. And I, without—because you can see the pictures; I still have them—I turned to look at her. We were supposed to be looking straight ahead. And I said, Madame Prime Minister? Never turned her head. Kept looking. She said, "Our secret weapon, Senator, is we have no place else to go." We have no place else to go.

Ladies and gentlemen, our job is to make sure there's always a place to go, that there's always an Israel, that there's always a secure Israel, and there's an Israel that can care for itself. My father was right. You are right. It's the ultimate guarantor of never again. God Bless you all, and may God protect our troops.

Thank you.

Monday Morning General Session

Mon, 04 Mar 2013 12:26:22 -0500

Sunday Afternoon General Session

Mon, 04 Mar 2013 12:24:50 -0500

Full General Sessions

Mon, 04 Mar 2013 12:23:22 -0500

Sunday Morning General Session

Mon, 04 Mar 2013 12:21:38 -0500

Videos

Sun, 03 Mar 2013 13:25:32 -0500

What We've Accomplished

Fri, 01 Mar 2013 14:09:37 -0500

Keeping America and Israel Secure

Working with Congress to ensure that Israel is able to defend itself. The Jewish state needs more than $3 billion in critical security assistance to remain capable of facing increased threats posed by terrorist groups and those sworn to its--and America's--destruction.

Sanctioning Iran

Achieving passage of more than a dozen bills and resolutions imposing tough sanctions on Iran during the past 15 years. As the Islamic Republic continues to be the world's leading sponsor of terrorism--including insurgents fighting U.S. troops in Afghanistan and Iraq--and develop a nuclear weapon, America must exert economic pressure on the regime and slow its pursuit of a nuclear weapons capability.

Working Together to Achieve Peace

Supporting America’s efforts to help Israel achieve peace with its neighbors. Real peace with all its neighbors has eluded the Jewish state for more than 60 years, but the two times its Arab neighbors have been willing to talk were through direct negotiations supported by the United States. We supported these, and all efforts to achieve peace through direct talks.

Defending Citizens From Terrorist's Missiles

Enhancing U.S.-Israel defense cooperation through securing hundreds of millions of dollars each year for key U.S.-Israel defense programs, including the Arrow missile defense system and Iron Dome rocket defense system.

Ensuring Israel's Right to Self-Defense

The delegitimization of Israel and its right to self-defense is constantly in question. Congressional resolutions, letters and statements of support for Israel’s defensive actions in the face of terrorism by groups such as Hamas and Hizballah have helped send a strong message to the Jewish state's adversaries.

Securing Our Homeland

Increasing U.S.-Israel Homeland Security cooperation by passing landmark legislation creating an office within the Department of Homeland Security to support joint research and development projects between the United States and key allies, such as Israel.

Our History

Wed, 09 Jan 2013 12:57:03 -0500

Our Mission

Wed, 09 Jan 2013 12:55:15 -0500

AIPAC’s staff and citizen activists educate decision makers about the bonds that unite the United States and Israel and how it is in America’s best interest to help ensure that the Jewish state is safe, strong and secure.

Cooperation between the two countries is advantageous for both nations. AIPAC urges all members of Congress to support Israel through foreign aid, government partnerships, joint anti-terrorism efforts and the promotion of a negotiated two-state solution—a Jewish state of Israel and a demilitarized Palestinian state.

Privacy Policy

Fri, 04 Jan 2013 12:43:41 -0500

AIPAC's Privacy Policy

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AIPAC Near You

Fri, 08 Jun 2012 15:17:41 -0400